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REPORT 


MEETING  TO  PROTEST  AGAINST 


THE 


CHINESE  OUTRAGES, 


STEINWAY   HALL, 


Monday,  April  $th,  18X6. 


PRESS  OF 

RUFUS  ADAMS, 
N.  Y. 


ROBERT  MARQUIS  STRONGER. 


REPORT 

#  meeting  held  at  Steinway  Hall,  New  York  City, 
April  tfh,  1886,  at  8  d  clock,  P.  M.,  under  the 
auspices  of  the  Chinese  Sunday-school  Union, 
to  memorialize  Congress  protesting  against  the 
outrages  recently  perpetrated  upon  the  Chinese  in 
the  North-west. 

The  meeting  was  called  to  order  by  Mr.  Richard  T.  Haines, 
Vice-President  of  the  Union,  who  requested  Rev.  Dr.  R. 
W.  Kidd  to  offer  Prayer,  which  he  did  as  follows: 


Our  Father,  who  art  in  Heaven,  hallowed  be  thy  name. 
Thy  kingdom  come;  thy  will  be  done  upon  earth  as  it  is  done  in 
Heaven. 

We  thank  thee  that  thou  didst  so  love  the  world  as  to  give 
thine  only  begotten  Son,  that  whosoever  believeth  on  him  should 
not  perish,  but  have  everlasting  life. 

We  thank  thee  that  to  us  has  the  word  of  this  salvation  been 
sent,  and,  O  Lord,  we  pray  now  for  thy  blessing  to  rest  upon  us 
in  the  capacity  in  which  we  have  assembled  in  this  hall  to-night. 
O  Lord,  we  thank  thee  for  Jesus  Christ,  and  that  he  did  die  for 
all  the  nations  of  the  world.  We  thank  thee  for  the  promise  that 
all  nations,  and  kindreds,  and  peoples,  and  tongues  shall  know 
him,  and  shall  praise  his  name.  And,  O  Lord,  we  pray  for  that 
nation  in  whose  interest  we  have  especially  met  to-night.  O 
Lord,  we  pray  that  thou  wouldst  arise  and  plead  their  cause  in 
this  land,  and  in  their  own  land.  We  thank  thee  for  what  thou 
hast  done  for  them.  We  praise  thee,  O  Lord,  that  so  many  of 
them  are  learning  the  way  of  life  and  of  salvation,  and  we  pray 
for  those  that  are  in  this  city,  and  we  pray,  O  Lord,  that  thou 
wouldst  sanctify  the  instruction  they  receive,  and,  O  Lord,  we 
pray  that  they  all  may  learn  to  know  Jesus,  and  to  trust  in  him 
as  their  Saviour  and  as  their  Redeemer 

b  isq 

C5-C5- 


And,  O  Lord,  we  pray  that  thou  wouldst  place  our  nation  in 
the  relation  which  we  should  sustain  to  this  race,  and  wilt  thou 
help  us,  we  pray  thee,  to  do  justly  and  to  love  mercy,  and  to 
remember  that  the  God  of  justice  is  the  one  who  rulest.  And  we 
pray,  O  Lord,  that  thou  wouldst  help  us  as  a  nation,  to  do  that 
which  is  right,  and  we  pray  that  thou  wouldst  arise  for  the  suf 
fering  and  the  needy.  And,  O  Lord,  we  pray  that  thou  wouldst 
remove  everything  from  this  nation  that  does  retard  the  progress 
of  the  Gospel,  and  hasten  the  time  when  this  shall  indeed  be  the 
"  land  of  the  free/'  and  when  all  nations  shall  have  the  privilege 
of  serving  thee  as  they  should;  and  then,  we  pray,  O  Lord,  that 
the  time  may  soon  come  when  thy  Son  shall  have  the  heathen  for 
his  inheritance,  and  the  uttermost  parts  of  the  earth  for  his  pos 
session,  and  wilt  thou  make  this  nation  a  power  and  a  blessing  to 
all  nations. 

We  now  leave  ourselves  with  thee.  Be  with  us  this  evening. 
Bless  us  in  all  that  shall  come  before  us,  and  accept  us,  through 
Christ.  Amen. 

Mr.  Haines:  I  have  been  requested  by  the  Chinese 
Sunday-school  Union  to  say  that  they  have  invited  Mr.  George 
F.  Seward  to  take  charge  of  the  meeting,  and  that  the  follow 
ing  persons  have  agreed  to  act  as  Vice-Presidents  : 

Hon.  HAMILTON  FISH,  Hon.  GEO.  WILLIAM  CURTIS,  Hon. 
C.  P.  DALY,  Rev.  Dr.  JOHN  HALL,  Bishop  H.  C.  POTTER,  Rev. 
Dr.  S.  H.  VIRGIN,  Rev.  Dr.  HOWARD  CROSBY,  Rev.  Dr.  WILLIAM 
M.  TAYLOR,  Rev.  Dr.  F.  F.  ELLENWOOD,  Rev.  Dr.  THEO.  L. 

CUYLER,  J.   V.   H.   COCKROFT,   Esq.,  WlLLIAM  E.   DODGE,   Esq. 

Mr.    Seward  took  the   chair  and   said  : 

The  Union  has  named  as  Secretary,  their  own  secretary,  Mr. 
Bassett.  The  object  of  this  meeting  is  to  consider  and  to  approve 
a  Memorial  to  Congress  in  regard  to  the  abuse  of  the  Chinese. 
The  Memorial  has  been  prepared  in  such  a  way  as  to  exclude 
any  political  discussion.  It  does  not  deal  with  the  question 
whether  the  presence  of  the  Chinese  in  this  country  is  desirable. 
It  simply  sets  forth  the  allegations  which  have  been  made  fre 
quently  of  late  that  the  Chinese  are  being  subjected  to  gross  out 
rage,  and  that  it  is  the  duty  of  the  Government  to  afford 


protection,  and  where  this  protection  fails  to  give  promptly  and 
freely  the  indemnity  which   the  circumstances  call  for. 

The  Memorial  will  be  submitted  to  you,  with  a  resolution, 
later  on.     Now  it  will  be  read  by  the  Secretary  : 

CHINESE  SUNDAY  SCHOOL  UNION, 
161  East  32d  Street,  N.  Y. 

To  the  Honorable  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  : 


Your  memorialists  are  Citizens  of  the  United  States,  resident  in  the  City 
of  New  York  and  its  vicinage. 

Your  memorialists,  as  such  Citizens  and  as  members  of  various  religious 
bodies,  have  been  brought  into  contact  with  subjects  of  the  Emperor  of  China, 
also  resident  in  this  City  and  neighborhood,  and  they  have  sought,  and  are  still 
seeking,  to  extend  to  them  acts  of  Christian  friendliness. 

In  pursuing  this  purpose,  your  memorialists  have  become  able  to  testify, 
and  do  now  testify,  to  the  peaceful  disposition  of  these  people,  and  to  their 
eagerness  to  place  themselves  in  harmony  with  their  surroundings. 

Your  memorialists,  while  thus  drawn  into  an  attitude  of  respect  and  of 
affection  for  the  Chinese  resident  here,  have  heard  that  in  various  quarters  of 
the  land  they  are  the  objects  of  hostile  feeling,  and  of  acts  of  oppression  and 
outrage. 

It  is  alleged  that  whole  communities  of  the  Chinese  have  been  forcibly  ex 
pelled  from  their  homes  and  places  of  business,  and  obliged  to  look  elsewhere 
for  shelter  and  support. 

It  is  alleged  that,  in  some  cases,  extreme  violence  has  been  used,  the  Chi 
nese  being  shot  down  in  the  streets,  and  burned  in  their  houses. 

It  is  alleged  that  these  hostile  courses  have  been  engendered  by  no  fault  of 
the  Chinese;  race  hatred  and  competition  in  the  avenues  of  peaceful  employ 
ment  being  the  moving  causes. 

It  is  alleged  that,  in  some  cases,  the  outrages  perpetrated  upon  the  Chinese 
have  been  planned  in  public,  and  that  no  adequate  efforts,  if  any,  have  been 
made  by  officers  charged  with  the  administration  of  the  law  for  their  protection. 

It  is  alleged  that  offenders  against  the  law  have  frequently  escaped  punish 
ment,  and  that  other  redress  for  injuries  suffered  has  often  failed. 

It  is  alleged  that  the  laws  of  the  land  in  regard  to  the  admission  of  the 
Chinese  have  been  given  an  extreme  and  strained  application;  Chinese  not  di>- 
favored  by  treaties  and  the  laws  being  unnecessarily  interfered  with,  and  women 
and  children  prevented  from  landing. 

Your  memorialists  submit  that  these  are  grave  allegations,  and  that  they 
reflect  upon  our  character  as  a  Christian  people. 

Your  memorialists  therefore  ask  that  these  matters  may  be  taken  into  con 
sideration  and  inquired  about,  in  order  that  measures  may  be  devised  to  put  an 
end  to  such  wrongful  courses,  and  that  the  Chinese  may  be  protected  in  all 
respects  as  our  own  people. 


And  your  memorialists  ask,  as  an  immediate  and  special  petition,  that  in 
demnity  for  the  grievous  disturbances  at  Rock  Springs  be  at  once  granted. 
The  dead  cannot  be  raised  from  their  graves,  neither  can  the  national  discredit, 
because  of  unprovoked  and  unredressed  outrages,  be  removed;  but  an  indem 
nity,  freely  and  promptly  accorded,  will  indicate  that  the  nation  is  alive  to  con 
siderations  affecting  its  honor,  and  will  not  take  halting  steps  when  the  rights  of 
humanity  are  involved. 

And  your  memorialists  will  ever  pray. 

Mr.  Bassett  then  read  extracts  from   letters  received  from 
gentlemen  who  had  been  invited  to  attend  this  meeting  : 

From  Bishop  H.  C.  POTTER. 

MARCH  30,  1886. 

Engagements  entered  into  some  time  ago  will,  I  find,  prevent  my  attend 
ance  upon  the  meeting  in  behalf  of  our  Chinese  residents  on  the  5th  prox. 

I  am  sincerely  sorry,  for  I  should  be  glad  of  the  opportunity  of  expressing 
my  sympathy  with  any  effort  to  purge  the  country  of  what^  is  rapidly  assuming 
the  proportions  of  a  national  disgrace.  It  is  the  first  time  in  our  history  where, 
in  our  intercourse  with  other  nations,  the  Christian  virtues  would,  from  first  to 
last,  seem  to  be  found  on  the  side  of  a  pagan  people.  And  the  shame  is  the 
greater  because  we  are,  some  of  us,  engaged  at  this  moment,  both  here  and  in 
their  own  land,  in  efforts  to  convert  the  Chinese  to  a  purer  faith.  They  may 
well  think  that  if  our  treatment  of  them,  when  they  come  as  strangers  to  our 
shores,  is  a  specimen  of  the  fruits  of  our  religion,  they  have  already  had  enough 
of  it. 

Indifference  to  such  things  as  have  happened  and  are  happening  in  our 
dealings  with  our  Chinese  residents,  is  a  revelation  as  to  the  state  of  the  na 
tional  conscience  which  is  somewhat  startling.  I  cannot  but  hope  that  it  is 
more  apparent  than  true,  and  I  trust  that  the  action  of  your  meeting  will  make 
this  plain. 

From  Senator  GEORGE  F.  HOAR. 

SENATE  CHAMBER,  WASHINGTON,  March  27,  1886. 

The  purpose  of  your  meeting  has  my  fullest  sympathy,  but  I  cannot  come 
to  New  York  to  take  part  in  it  without  neglecting  important  duties  here. 

From   Rev.  Dr.    WM.    M.    TA  YLOR,    Pastor  of  the    Broadway  Tabernacle 
Church,  New  York. 

5  WEST  35TH  STREET,  April  2,  1886. 

I  have  withheld  a  note  declining  to  be  with  you  on  Monday  evening  at 
your  Chinese  meeting,  in  order  that,  if  possible,  I  might  see  my  way  to  be 
present.  I  regret,  however,  that,  after  looking  round  and  round  the  matter,  I 
am  obliged  to  deny  myself  the  pleasure  of  being  with  you.  I  am  heartily  in 
favor  of  your  movement,  but  my  engagements  are  so  numerous  at  present  that 
I  cannot  safely  add  another  to  the  number.  I  am  greatly  in  need  of  rest,  and 
must  stay  quiet  a  little. 


From  Rev.  EDWARD  JUDSON,  Pastor  of  the  Berean  Baptist  Church,  New 
York. 

406  WEST  7QTH  STREET,  March  27.  1886. 

Your  communication  of  March  25th  is  just  received.  lam  deeply  interested 
in  the  cause  you  represent,  but  as  a  previous  engagement  takes  me  out  of  town 
on  the  5th  of  April,  I  shall  not  be  able  to  be  present  at  your  meeting. 

From  Rev.  Dr.  GREGG,  Reformed  Presbyterian  Church. 

244  WEST  4&TH  ST.,  NEW  YORK,  April  2,  1886. 

I  am  a  co-worker  with  you  in  securing  justice  for  all  men  who  walk  our 
territory,  and  in  obliterating  the  color  line  from  the  sphere  of  morals.  I  am 
only  sorry  that  I  cannot  be  with  you  at  your  public  meeting.  I  hope  it  will  be 
a  grand  success,  and  will  tell  in  the  formation  of  a  right  public  sentiment.  We 
must  raise  the  cry  and  repeat  it  until  it  is  crystalized  in  the  common  law  of  the 
land,  viz.:  America  for  the  world!  While  I  am  compelled,  by  previous  prom 
ise,  to  be  present  at  another  meeting,  which  is  on  a  parallel  line  with  your 
meeting,  I  shall  allow  my  prayers  to  go  Heavenward  for  the  success  of  your 
efforts  Monday  night. 

From  Rev.  Dr.  GEORGE  ALEXANDER,  Pastor  of  the   University  Place 
Presbyterian  Church. 

UNIVERSITY  PLACE  CHURCH,  COR.  TENTH  ST.,  March  31,  1886. 
Yours  of   yesterday  inviting  me  to  speak   at   a  meeting  called  to  protest 
against  outrages  upon  the  Chinese  is  received.     I  am  in  deepest  sympathy  with 
the  proposed  movement,  and  regret  that  unavoidable  engagements  will  forbid 
my  attendance. 

From  Rev.  Dr.   THEODORE  L.  CUYLER,  of  Brooklyn. 

HYGEIA  HOTEL,  OLD  POINT  COMFORT,  March  29,  1886. 
I  am  here  for  a  few  days  of  recruiting,  and  your  invitation  to  address  the 
meeting  at  Steinway  Hall,  next  Monday  evening,  has  just  been  sent  me.  I  would 
rejoice  to  take  part  in  that  meeting  if  it  were  possible,  but  I  have  an  important 
engagement  in  my  own  congregation  for  that  evening.  "  Cry  aloud,  and  spare 
not"  against  the  barbarities  practiced  in  a  "  Christian  "  land  towards  the  unof 
fending  Chinese.  It  is  time  that  China  sent  some  Missioners  in  this  direction 
to  teach  America  the  "  golden  rule." 

From  Rev.  Dr.  T.   W.  CHAMBERS,  Pastor  of  the  Collegiate  Reformed  Dutch 
Church. 

MARCH  29,  1886. 

Yours  of  the  2$th  inst.,  inviting  me  to  attend  and  speak  at  a  meeting  on 
the  5th  of  April,  to  memorialize  Congress  in  the  matter  of  the  wrongs  done  to 
the  Chinese,  has  been  received.  I  am  in  hearty  sympathy  with  such  a  move 
ment,  but  the  state  of  my  health  is  such,  and  has  been  for  some  weeks,  that  I 
can  make  no  engagements  for  public  speaking,  however  pressing  the  induce 
ment.  Still,  if  prudence  permits,  I  will  gladly  attend.  With  best  wishes  for 
the  success  of  the  movement. 


From  the  Rev,  Dr.   WM.  C.  ROBER  TS,  Secretary  of  the  Board  of  Home  Mis 
sions  of  the  Presbyterian  Church. 

280  BROADWAY,  NEW  YORK,  April  i,  1886. 

Please  tender  to  the  Committee  my  sincerest  thanks  for  their  kind  invita 
tion  to  speak  at  Steinway  Hall,  on  Monday  night.  I  have  an  important  en 
gagement  for  that  night  which  will  render  it  impossible  for  me  to  be  present. 
I  am  clearly  of  the  opinion  that  our  government  should  protect  the  citizens  of 
China  living  among  us,  and  that  an  indemnity  should  be  promptly  accorded  to 
the  relatives  and  friends  of  those  who  suffered  outrages. 

From  Hon.  HAMILTON  FISH,  Secretary  of  State  during  the  Administration 
of  General  Grant. 

251  EAST  SEVENTEENTH  STREET,  March  26,  1866. 

It  will  not  be  in  my  power  to  attend  the  meeting  on  April  5th,  but  sympa 
thizing  in  its  objects,  I  cordially  consent  to  the  use  of  my  name  as  one  of  the 
Vice-Presidents. 

From  Rev.  Dr.  CHAS.  F.  DEEMS,  Church  of  the  Strangers. 

4  WINTHROP  PLACE,  N.  Y.,  March  31,  1886. 

It  disappoints  me  not  to  be  able  to  accept  the  invitation  for  April  5th,  be 
cause  another  was  accepted  before  yours  was  received.  I  am  in  hearty  sympa 
thy  with  the  movement.  American  treatment  of  the  Chinese  is  a  disgrace  to 
our  civilization. 

From  Rev.  Dr.  A.  F.  SCHA  UFFLER,  Pastor  of  Olivet  Church. 

260  FOURTH  AVENUE,  April  2,  1886. 

The  movement  you  represent  has  my  heartiest  sympathy.  The  anti-Chi 
nese  movement,  as  at  present  conducted,  is  an  outrage  on  humanity.  I  would 
be  present  on  Monday,  but  have  a  previous  engagement  to  speak  in  Harlem. 

From  Rev.  Dr.  HOWARD  CROSBY,  Pastor  of  the  Fourth  Avenue  Presby 
terian  Church. 

116  EAST  IQTH  STREET,  March  27,  1886. 

I  am  in  most  full  and  hearty  sympathy  with  every  word  of  the  Chinese 
memorial,  a  copy  of  which  was  sent  me,  and  am  very  sorry  that  another  engage 
ment  for  Monday  evening,  April  5th,  will  prevent  my  attending  the  meeting 
and  addressing  it. 

Mr.  Seward :  Dr.  Baldwin,  of  Boston,  will  now  address  you. 
Dr.  Baldwin  was  engaged  in  religious  work  in  China  for  twenty 
years.  He  has  been  at  home  some  five  or  six  years,  and  during 
that  time  has  given  a  great  deal  of  attention  to  the  treatment  of 
the  Chinese.  I  am  sure  that  we  shall  be  greatly  instructed  by 
what  he  has  to  say. 


Rev.  Dr.  S.  L.  Baldwin  :  Mr.  President:  I  do  not  intend 
to  read  all  these  documents  to  the  audience  to  night,  but  I  have 
them  here  in  case  they  should  be  wanted,  and  some  of  them  may 
be  very  much  needed  before  long. 

On  the  2d  of  September  a  horrible  massacre  occurred.  It 
was  not  in  China,  or  India,  or  Turkey,  or  among  some  of  the 
savage  inhabitants  of  the  islands  of  the  sea,  but  in  the  United 
States  of  America.  I  suppose  one  would  be  charged  with  making 
misstatements  if  he  should  give  just  a  simple  account  of  that 
transaction  as  it  occurred,  and  I  want  you  to  listen  for  a  few 
moments  to  an  account,  which  is  given  of  that  massacre  from  a 
decidedly  anti-Chinese  source.  It  is  the  account  given  by  "The 
Rock  Springs  Independent,"  a  paper  published  on  the  ground, 
and  in  the  entire  sympathy  with  the  anti-Chinese  movement. 
After  relating  a  difficulty  that  occurred  in  the  morning  between 
Chinamen  and  white  men  in  one  of  the  mines,  it  goes  on  to  say: 

"  After  dinner  all  the  saloons  were  closed,  and  a  majority  of 
the  men  from  all  the  mines  gathered  in  the  streets.  Most  of  them 
had  fire-arms,  although  knives,  hatchets,  and  clubs  were  in  the 
hands  of  some.  It  was  finally  decided  that  John  must  go,  then 
and  there;  and  the  small  army  of  sixty  or  seventy  armed  men, 
with  as  many  more  stragglers,  went  down  the  track  towards 
Chinatown.  On  the  way  they  routed  out  a  number  of  Chinese 
section-men,  who  fled  from  Chinatown,  followed  by  a  few  stray 
shots.  When  the  crowd  got  as  far  as  No.  3  switch,  they  sent 
forward  a  committee  of  three  to  warn  the  Chinamen  to  leave  in 
an  hour.  Word  was  sent  back  that  they  would  go,  and  very  soon 
there  was  a  running  to  and  fro,  and  gathering  of  bundles,  that 
showed  that  John  was  preparing  to  move  out.  But  the  men 
grew  impatient.  They  thought  that  John  was  too  slow  in  getting 
out,  and  might  be  preparing  to  defend  his  position.  In  about 
half  an  hour  an  advance  was  made  on  the  enemy's  works,  with 
much  shooting  and  shouting.  The  hint  was  sufficient.  Without 
offering  any  resistance,  the  Chinamen  snatched  up^whatever  they 
could  lay  their  hands  on,  and  started  east  on  the  run.  Some 
were  bare-headed  and  barefooted,  others  carried  a  small  bundle 
in  a  handkerchief,  while  a  number  had  rolls  of  bedding.  They  fled 
like  a  flock  of  frightened  sheep,  .scrambling  and  tumbling  down 
the  steep  banks  of  Bitter  Creek,  then  through  the  sage  brush,  and 


8 

over  the  railroad,  and  up  into  the  hills  east  of  Burning  Mountain. 
Some  of  the  men  were  engaged  in  searching  the  houses,  and 
driving  out  the  stray  Chinamen  who  were  in  hiding,  while  others 
followed  up  the  the  retreating  Chinamen,  encouraging  their 
flight  with  showers  of  bullets  fired  over  their  heads. 

"  All  the  stores  in  town  were  closed,  and  men,  women,  and 
children  were  out  watching  the  hurried  exit  of  John  Chinamen, 
and  every  one  seemed  glad  to  see  them  on  the  wing.  Soon  a 
black  smoke  was  seen  issuing  from  the  peak  of  a  house  in  uHong 
Kong,"  then  from  another,  and  very  soon  eight  or  ten  of  the 
largest  of  the  houses  were  in  flames.  Half  choked  with  fire  and 
smoke,  numbers  of  Chinamen  came  rushing  from  the  burning 
buildings,  and,  with  blankets  and  bed  quilts  over  their  heads  to 
protect  themselves  from  stray  rifle-shots,  they  followed  their  re 
treating  brothers  into  the  hills  at  the  top  of  their  speed.  After 
completing  their  work  here,  the  crowd  came  across  to  Ar  Lee's 
laundry.  There  was  no  sign  of  a  Chinamen  here  at  first,  but  a 
vigorous  search  revealed  one  hidden  away  in  a  corner.  But  he 
would  not  dare  to  come  out.  Then  the  roof  was  broken  in,  and 
shots  fired  to  scare  him  out,  but  a  shot  in  return  showed  that  the 
Chinaman  was  armed.  A  rush  through  the  door  followed,  then 
came  a  scuffle  and  a  number  of  shots;  and  looking  through  an 
opening,  a  dead  Chinaman  was  seen  on  the  floor  with  blood  and 
brains  oozing  from  a  terrible  wound  in  the  back  of  his  head. 

"  Joe  Young,  the  sheriff,  came  down  from  Green  River  in 
the  evening,  and  guards  were  out  all  night  to  protect  the  property 
of  the  citizens  in  case  of  a  disturbance.  But  everything  was 
quiet  in  town.  Over  in  Chinatown,  however,  the  rest  of  the 
houses  were  burned;  the  whole  of  them,  numbering  about  forty, 
being  consumed  to  the  ground.  The  Chinese  section-house,  and 
also  the  houses  at  No.  6  were  burned,  and  Chinamen  were  chased 
out  of  nearly  all  the  burning  buildings.  All  the  night  long  the 
sound  of  rifle  and  revolver  was  heard,  and  the  surrounding  hills 
were  lit  by  the  glare  of  the  burning  houses." 

In  regard  to  the  next  day,  this  same  authority  says: 

"A  look  around  the  scenes  of  the  previous  day's  work,  re 
vealed  some  terrible  sights  Thursday  morning.  In  the  smoking 
cellar  of  one  Chinese  house,  the.blackened  bodies  of  three  China 
men  were  seen.  Three  others  were  in  the  cellar  of  another,  and 


four  bodies  were  found  near  by.  From  the  position  of  some  of 
the  bodies,  it  would  seem  as  if  they  had  begun  to  dig  a  hole  in 
the  cellar  to  hide  themselves;  but  the  fire  overtook  them  when 
about  half  way  in  the  hole,  burning  their  lower  extremities  to 
crisp,  and  leaving  the  upper  portions  of  their  bodies  untouched. 
At  the  east  end  of  Chinatown  another  body  was  found,  charred  by 
the  flames,  and  mutilated  by  hogs.  The  smell  that  arose  from 
the  smoking  ruins  was  horribly  suggestive  of  burning  flesh.  Fur 
ther  east  were  the  bodies  of  four  more  Chinamen,  shot  down  in 
their  flight;  one  of  them  had  tumbled  over  the  bank,  and  lay  in 
the  creek  with  face  upturned  and  distorted.  Still  further,  another 
Chinaman  was  found,  shot  through  the  hips,  but  still  alive.  He 
had  been  shot  just  as  he  had  came  to  the  bank,  and  had  fallen 
over,  and  lay  close  to  the  edge  of  the  bank.  He  was  taken  up 
town  and  cared  for  by  Dr.  Woodruff;  besides  this,  two  others 
were  seriously  wounded,  and  many  who  got  away  were  more 
slightly  hurt.  The  trains  to-day  have  picked  up  a  large  number 
of  Chinamen  on  the  track,  and  taken  them  West. 

"Judge  Ludvigsen  summoned  a  coroner's  jury,  who,  with 
Dr.  Woodruff,  examined  the  bodies  of  the  dead  Chinamen,  and 
returned  a  verdict  that  eleven  had  been  burned  to  death,  and 
four  shot,  by  parties  unknown  to  the  jury.  The  bodies  were  put 
in  rough  coffins,  and  buried  in  the  Chinese  burying  ground." 

That  is  the  account  given  by  an  anti-Chinese  Newspaper 
published  on  the  ground.  There  is,  therefore,  no  exaggeration 
about  it,  and  everything  that  can  be  said  in  favor  of  those  who 
were  concerned  is  said  in  that  paper.  And  it  is  mentioned  as  a 
thing  specially  to  be  gratified  about  that  all  the  saloons  were 
closed,  and  there  was  not  a  drunken  man  on  the  scene,  and  all 
this  was  done  by  sober  men!  Within  a  month  from  that  time, 
four  laborers  were  raided  in  Washington  Territory  in  their  beds 
in  a  camping  ground.  Their  camping  outfit,  amounting  to 
thousands  of  dollars  was  burned,  and  the  inmates  driven  off 
naked  into  the  woods.  Within  three  months,  white  laborers 
arose  and  drove  two  hundred  Chinese  residents  in  Tacoma  from 
their  homes,  through  the  rain,  to  a  station  nine  miles  distant. 
They  herded  them  there  on  the  open  prairie,  where  all  night  long 
the  rain  storm  was  pelting  upon  them,  and  in  the  morning,  all 
but  two,  who  had  died  during  the  night  from  exposure  to  the 


10 

weather,  were  sent  off  in  an  outgoing  train.  A  little  later,  in 
Seattle,  a  mob  arose  against  the  Chinese,  and  drove  them  to  the 
steamer  landing,  with  the  purpose  of  sending  them  off  immedi 
ately,  and  but  for  the  prompt  interposition  on  that  occasion  of 
Governor  Squier  and  Judge  Green,  would  have  them  sent  off  at 
that  time.  But  Judge  Green  brought  all  the  Chinamen  before 
him  on  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  and  told  every  one  that  he  could 
stay,  and  that  he  would  be  protected,  or  that  he  could  go  just  as 
he  pleased.  They  would  all  have  been  expelled  at  that  time 
from  Seattle  but  for  that  prompt  action.  About  the  same  time, 
in  Oregon  City,  a  mob  was  created  which  drove  out  the  Chinese 
residents  from  that  place,  and  some  of  the  leading  men  con 
cerned  in  that  mob  went  the  next  day  to  Portland  and  openly 
declared  in  that  city  their  purpose  to  drive  out  entirely  from  the 
city  all  Chinese  residents. 

Many  other  things  might  be  mentioned,  but  these  are  suffi 
cient  to  show  what  kind  of  treatment  the  Chinese  have  been  re 
ceiving  of  late  in  our  Western  States  and  Territories. 

Now,  it  is  in  point  to  ask:  How  did  these  people  come  to 
this  country  ?  and  the  answer  to  that  is,  first:  They  came  just  as 
all  other  immigrants  come  here;  they  came  very  early  in  the  his 
tory  of  California — not  in  large  numbers — but  those  came  who 
were  attracted  by  the  reports  of  California  which  had  reached 
their  own  country;  they  got  along  well  enough  for  a  few  years, 
and  when  California  was  received  into  the  Union,  the  great  pro 
cession  which  marched  through  the  streets  celebrating  as  a  jubi 
lee  that  event,  had  in  its  line  the  Chinese  residents,  with  their 
flags  and  banners,  heartily  welcome  to  participate  in  the  jubila 
tions  over  the  admission  of  California  as  a  State.  The  large  in 
crease  in  the  Chinese  population  which  followed  some  time  after 
that  was  owing  to  the  urgency  of  our  own  people,  not  to  any 
wonderful  desire  on  the  part  of  the  Chinese  to  come  to  Califor 
nia,  but  because  they  were  needed  for  the  construction  of  the 
Pacific  Railroad.  They  came  in  response  to  urgent  calls  that 
were  sent  to  China  for  this  labor.  .When  they  came  they  gave 
that  labor  to  the  completing  of  this  great  transcontinental  rail 
way,  which  was  completed  years  before  it  would  otherwise  have 
been  had  it  not  been  done  by  Chinese  labor.  Not  only  that,  but 
they  went  to  work  reclaiming  the  swamp  lands  of  California,  and 


1 1 

did  immense  service  to  the  State  in  that  work  which  white  men 
would  not  engage  in,  but  which  has  been  of  untold  benefit  to  the 
State  of  California.  They  came  in  large  numbers  because  we 
wanted  and  asked  for  them.  Why  did  China  recede  from  her 
old  position  of  isolation,  and  consent  to  come  in  comity  with  the 
other  nations  of  the  world  ?  Was  it  from  any  desire  originating 
on  the  Chinese  soil?  Not  at  all,  as  you  all  know;  but  from  the 
urgency  of  Western  nations,  America  among  the  rest.  We  sent 
Caleb  Gushing  in  1844  to  urge  them  to  make  a  treaty  with  us. 
We  renewed  the  invitation  through  Mr.  Reid  in  1858,  and  made 
a  treaty  which  granted  to  them  all  the  rights  which  we  gave  to 
any  other  people  in  the  United  States,  and  they  granted  us  in 
China  the  rights  given  to  the  most  favored  nation  there.  In  1868 
we  wanted  to  go  a  little  further.  We  urged  Mr.  Burlingame,  then 
representing  China,  to  make  a  treaty  of  perfect  reciprocity  and 
insist  upon  it  there  should  be  the  right  of  expatriation;  that  China 
should  acknowledge  it;  that  her  citizens  as  well  as  others  might  go 
and  come  as  they  pleased.  And  this  was  agreed  to  by  this  old  con 
servative  nation  at  the  instance  of  the  United  States  of  America. 
We  were  so  fond  of  that  idea  in  1868  that  we  put  it  into  our  stat 
ute  laws,  and  recognize  in  the  most  positive  terms  the  right  of 
people  of  all  nations  to  expatriate  themselves  from  their  native 
land,  and  adopt  any  other  land  they  should  choose.  But  in  1880 
we  wanted  to  modify  our  treaties  with  China.  We  sent  over  a 
commission  to  get  the  Chinese  government  to  agree  that  we 
might  have  the  privilege  of  limiting  immigration  to  this  country. 
I  will  not  stop  just  now  to  rehearse  the  reasons  for  that  action. 
Suffice  it  to  say  that  our  government  thought  proper  to  take  that 
action,  and  a  treaty  was  made  agreeing  to  our  desire  that  we 
might  limit  the  number  of  Chinese  laborers  to  be  received  into 
our  country  if  we  chose,  but  into  that  treaty  we  put  the  following 
article  : 

"  ART.  III.  If  the  Chinese  laborers,  or  Chinese  of  any  other 
"  class,  now  either  permanently  or  temporarily  residing  in  the 
"  territory  of  the  United  States,  meet  with  ill  treatment  at  the 
"  hands  of  any  other  persons,  the  government  of  the  United 
"  States  will  exert  all  its  power  to  devise  measures  for  their  pro- 
"  tection,  and  to  secure  to  them  the  same  rights,  privileges,  im- 
"  munities  and  exemptions  as  may  be  enjoyed  by  the  citizens  or 


12 

"  subjects  of  the  most  favored  nation,  and  to  which  they  are  en- 
"  titled  by  treaty." 

And  they  are  here  to-day  with  the  solemn  promise  of  our 
government  to  exert  all  its  powers  to  secure  for  them  our  pro 
tection. 

How  have  those  treaties  been  kept  ?  Let  us  look  over  and 
see  how  they  have  been  kept  by  China.  The  treaties  worked 
very  disadvantageously  to  a  large  number  of  Chinese  laborers. 
American  and  English  steamers  soon  possessed  themselves  of 
the  coasting  trade  on  the  coast  of  China.  I  was  personal  witness 
to  the  fact  that  thousands  of  Chinese  laborers  were  driven  out  of 
employment  by  our  American  and  English  steamers,  that  almost 
entirely  absorbed  the  coast  trade,  and  these  men,  who  had  never 
learned  any  other  trade,  went  about  seeking  employment,  look 
ing  for  other  work.  But  there  was  no  complaint  made  to  our 
government,  no  asking  on  the  part  of  China  to  limit  American 
immigration  because  it  was  interfering  with  Chinese  laborers. 
Why  not  ?  A  Mandarin,  Quong  Ching  Ling,  gives  the  reason  as 
he  views  it,  and  in  these  words:  "  Because  our  government  has 
too  much  respect  for  the  treaty  obligations  she  has  entered  into 
to  permit  you  to  be  annoyed  with  any  expressions  of  regret  con 
cerning  the  working  of  its  compacts  with  you."  And  that  was 
the  reason  why  China  made  no  complaint  to  us.  (Applause.) 
But  mobs  arose  in  different  parts  of  China,  and  foreign  property 
was  destroyed — English  property  and  American  property.  Some 
times  lives  were  imperiled,  and  what  then?  Prompt  apology  on 
the  part  of  China  for  the  wrong  committed  by  her  subjects;  pun 
ishment  of  the  ringleaders  in  these  mobs;  full  indemnity  to  every 
one  receiving  any  injury — indemnity  amounting  in  the  year  1858 
to  $735,000.  We  appointed  our  own  commissioners  to  adminis 
ter  that  indemnity.  The  Chinese  had  nothing  to  do  with  it. 
They  were  appointed  by  our  own  government  and  they  adminis 
tered  it.  The  Chinese  government  admitted  every  just  claim 
that  was  presented  to  them,  and  allowed  interest  at  12  per  cent., 
and  then,  after  every  just-  claim,  with  that  interest,  had  been 
paid,  those  commissioners  handed  over  a  balance  of  over  one- 
third  of  the  whole  amount  to  our  government  as  unexpended! 
And  when  it  was  in  the  hands  of  the  Secretary  of  State,  Congress 
took  up  the  matter,  reconsidered  some  claims  which  our  own 


13 

commissioners  had  rejected  as  utterly  worthless,  and  admitted 
$150,000  worth  of  them  and  paid  them.  And  then,  more  recently, 
they  paid  over  $100,000  more  as  indemnity  to  a  man  who  had 
suffered  the  loss  of  a  steamer  that  did  not  cost  a  cent  over 
$15,000.  And  after  all  these  claims,  just  and  unjust,  had  been 
paid,  in  1884,  we  had  a  large  balance  on  hand  which,  with  a  very 
tardy  conscience,  we  returned  to  the  Chinese  government,  keep 
ing  the  interest  ourselves.  (Laughter.) 

Now,  how  have  we  kept  our  treaties  with  China?  You 
all  know  the  history.  It  is  a  history  of  persecution,  all  the 
time,  in  California,  in  Oregon,  in  New  York,  in  Brooklyn, 
and  in  Boston.  It  has  been  a  series  of  petty  persecutions 
by  many  of  our  citizens  upon  this  unoffending  people.  It 
has  been  a  history,  on  the  Pacific  coast,  of  hostile  laws  against 
these  people;  and  California,  when  she  last  adopted  a  State  con 
stitution,  put  into  that  organic  law  of  the  State  a  section  which 
forever  prohibits  the  naturalization  in  California  of  any  native  of 
China.  A  most  singular  document  it  is,  taken  literally,  which  ex 
cludes  my  son,  and  the  son  of  any  American  whose  children  were 
born  in  China,  from  ever  becoming  citizens  of  California — becom 
ing  voters  in  California.  But  it  does  not  exclude  a  Chinaman  born 
in  Hong  Kong  under  the  British  flag  from  becoming  a  citizen. 
It  was  an  attempt  to  exclude  all  Chinamen,  but,  literally  con 
strued,  it  must  exclude  all  American  children  born  in  China,  and 
cannot  exclude  any  Chinaman  born  in  Hong  Kong  under  the 
British  flag.  But  it  shows  the  animus  which  prevailed  there. 
Then  there  were  municipal  regulations  directed  against  the  Chi 
nese  solely,  not  mentioning  Chinese,  but  so  worded  that  they 
applied  to  nobody  but  Chinese,  intending  to  oppress  them  in 
the  business  in  which  they  had  engaged  in  San  Francisco.  And 
all  these  petty  persecutions  culminated  finally  in  wholesale  ex 
pulsions  from  various  places,  and',  as  you  know,  in  brutal  mas 
sacres. 

And  now  we  have  before  our  Government  a  claim,  a  very 
modest  claim  for  indemnity,  for  this  recent  massacre,  of  $147,000, 
giving  all  the  details  of  the  losses  sustained  by  those  poor  people 
in  Rock  Springs,  and  summing  up  this  amount.  And  how  is 
this  cfaim  for  indemnity  treated?  Our  Secretary  of  State  says 
to  the  Chinese  Minister,  whose  letter  is  one  of  the  most  courteous 


14 

and  Christian-like  letters  that  ever  was  addressed  by  any  ambas 
sador  to  the  court  of  any  people;  in  fact,  if  you  will  com 
pare  these  letters,  the  letter  of  the  Chinese  Minister  and  that  of 
Mr.  Bayard,  and  will  ask  yourself  the  question,  which  was  writ 
ten  by  a  Christian,  and  which  was  written  by  a  heathen,  you  must 
acknowledge  the  Chinese  ambassador  to  be  the  Christian,  and 
Mr.  Bayard  unquestionably  to  be  the  heathen.  (Applause).  What 
does  our  Secretary  of  State  say  ?  He  says  solemnly  to  the 
Chinese  Minister  that  "  there  was  no  official  representative  of 
America, connected  with  that  massacre,  and  there  was  no  official 
representative  of  China  massacred.  "  And  therefore,  no  official 
wrong  has  been  done.  (Laughter).  He  says  the  assailants  were 
foreigners,  and  therefore  we  are  not  to  be  held  accountable,  and 
that  in  the  face  of  that  large  bill  of  indemnity,  asking  the  Chinese 
to  pay  for  damages  done  by  British  troops  in  Canton,  which  was 
paid  by  the  Chinese  Government.  Mr.  Cass  said  in  response  to 
a  letter  from  our  Minister  in  China,  (the  Minister  said  it  did  not 
seem  quite  right  to  ask  China  to  pay  for  these  losses)  and  Mr. 
Cass  said:  "  We  must  get  the  indemnity  somewhere;  we  won't 
be  likely  to  get  it  from  England,  so  we  must  get  it  from  China." 
Mr.  Bayard  says,  "  the  preservation  of  the  public  peace  in  the 
Territories  is  committed  to  the  legal  authorities,  and  the  general 
Government  can  not  be  responsible.  The  Chinese  have  the 
same  access  to  the  courts  of  the  Territory  that  all  others  have." 
Yes,  they  have  access  to  the  courts  of  the  Territory.  You  know 
what  the  coroner's  jury  said:  "  We  find  that  these  persons  came 
to  their  death  at  the  hands  of  persons  unknown  ":  and  in  regard 
to  the  charred  bodies  of  the  dead  Chinamen  that  lay  there  before 
them,  they  say,  on  their  solemn  oaths,  "  these  men  evidently 
came  to  their  deaths  by  fire,  but  we  are  unable  to  say  to  what 
nationality  they  belong,  as  the  bodies  are  too  charred  for  us  to 
tell."  That  is  having  access  to  the  legal  authorities.  And  then, 
the  Grand  Jury  in  Sweet  Water  County  says:  "  We  have  been 
entirely  unable  to  ascertain  by  whom  these  outrages  were  com 
mitted."  That  is  the  access  to  the  legal  authorities  which  the 
Chinese  have.  Mr.  Bayard  goes  on  to  say,  that  "violent  assaults 
are  frequent  in  all  newly  settled  countries."  This  is  virtually 
saying,  that  the  United  States  Government  cannot  be  expected 
to  take  care  of  people  in  these  newly  settled  regions.  Then, 


"that  they  have  no  right  to  claim  indemnity;  that  they  have  the 
same  remedies  that  all  others  have  who  suffer  damages,  and  that 
while  the  Chinese  Government  did  promise  to  indemnify  Ameri 
cans  who  suffer  from  mobs  in  China,  the  American  Government 
did  not  promise  to  indemnify  Chinese."  So  there  is  no  claim  of 
right,  but  he  would  recommend  as  a  gratuity  that  this  indemnity 
be  granted.  And  so  the  President  follows  it  up  with  the  recom 
mendation  to  Congress,  that  as  a  matter  of  generosity,  which 
must  not  at  all  be  taken  for  a  precedent,  for  any  acknowledg 
ment  of  any  claim  of  right,  as  a  matter  of  generosity  to  people  in 
distress,  that  Congress  should  appropriate  such  indemnity.  That 
idea  of  generosity  had  better  pass  into  "innocuous  desuetude." 
(Applause.) 

Now,  after  waiting  seven  months  after  the  massacre  occurred, 
and  four  months  after  the  claim  was  presented  by  the  Chinese 
Minister,  the  Senate  is  discussing  whether  it  has  a  right  to  get 
out  of  the  President  in  some  way  the  reasons  for  his  removal  of 
a  postmaster  ;  and  the  House  is  very  busy  in  trying  to  ascertain 
what  duties  it  can  take  off  from  the  present  tariff,  in  order  not  to 
offend  anybody  who  has  votes  enough  to  prevent  the  passage  of 
this  new  tariff  bill  ;  and  when  this  matter  of  indemnity  to  China 
will  be  considered,  it  is  impossible  to  determine.  Meanwhile, 
the  Chinese  Minister  sits  in  the  rooms  of  Embassy,  in  Washing 
ton,  pondering  on  the  Golden  Rule,  and  wondering  why  on  earth 
Americans  introduced  that,  into  the  treaty  with  China,  while  the 
Americans  themselves  have  so  little  use  for  it  at  home.  (Laughter.) 

These  Chinamen  have  been  expelled  from  their  homes. 
They  have  been  shot  down,  they  have  been  mobbed,  they  have 
been  burned  to  death,  and  what  has  been  done  about  it?  Has 
anybody  ever  been  punished  for  the  great  outrages  at  Denver  or 
Rock  Springs?  On  the  3d  of  September,  Governor;  Warren 
asked  for  troops  by  telegraph.  On  the  night  of  the  4th,  after  two 
days  had  passed  by,  he  telegraphed  to  General  Howard,  at 
Omaha,  to  know  what  was  the  result,  and  General  Howard  tele 
graphed  back,  "  I  have  no  orders  from  Washington."  He  tele 
graphed  again  more  urgently  on  the  5th,  and  then  eighty  soldiers 
were  sent  to  Rock  Springs,  and  eighty  to  Evanston.  And  what 
for?  To  protect  the  United  States  mail.  They  were  in  very 
great  danger  in  those  territories  and  those  160  soldiers  were  sent 


i6 

• 

to  protect  our  letters  and  papers.  On  the  yth  of  September,  at 
2  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  Govenor  Warren  had  not  heard  from 
Washington.  The  miners  were  saying  that  the  Chinese  must  go, 
and  preparing  to  drive  them  out  from  other  places.  Meantime, 
the  Governor  telegraphed  more  urgently,  and  on  the  8th  tardy  orders 
came  to  protect  the  Chinese,  the  property  of  the  Pacific  Railroad 
Company  and  Rock  Springs,  and  our  great  Railway  Company  is 
indebted  to  the  urgency  of  the  Chinese  Minister  at  our  Cabinet 
in  Washington  for  getting  protection  on  the  8th  of  September. 
What  was  the  occasion  of  the  delay?  Why  the  Governor  did 
not  say  in  his  first  telegrams  that  the  Legislature  in  Wyoming 
Territory  was  not  in  session.  The  President  knew  it  was  not. 
The  Cabinet  knew  it  was  not  in  session.  All  the  country  knew 
it;  but  because  the  Governor  did  not  state  it  in  his  telegram,  it 
was  held  that  the  President  was  powerless  to  send  out  troops. 
Yet  the  President  had  a  right  to  order  troops,  from  Omaha  to 
Rock  Springs,  any  day  or  any  hour  he  chose,  without  giving  any 
reason  to  anybody.  As  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  army  of  the 
United  States,  he  could  have  sent  all  the  troops  to  Rock  Springs 
if  he  chose,  and  when  he  got  them  there  he  could  have  ordered 
them  to  preserve  order. 

Let  me  give  you  another  scene.  There  was  a  riot  at  Tiens- 
tin,  in  the  year  1870,  in  which  sixteen  French  subjects,  and  three 
Russians  were  killed;  not  one-half  the  number  killed  at  Rock 
Springs.  But  immediately  all  the  foreign  ministers  at  Pekin  in 
sisted  upon  it,  that  the  Government  should  take  prompt  action, 
and  our  minister,  Mr.  Lowe,  joined  with  the  others  in  saying  to 
Prince  Kung  :  "it  is  indispensable  that  this  country  shall  send  to 
other  countries,  along  with  tidings  that  must  go  of  this  crime,  the 
word,  that  justice  is  being  done."  Prince  Kung  gave  assurance 
that  the  severest  penalties  of  the  law  would  be  executed  upon  the 
rioters,  but  our  minister  joined  with  the  others  in  a  second  note, 
saying,  "  we  conceive  it  to  be  our  duty,  to  say  we  regard  the  de 
cision  arrived  at,  after  three  months'  delay  as  entirely  unsatisfac 
tory."  After  three  months'  delay  !  Soon  after,  nineteen  men 
were  executed,  and  twenty-six  others  sentenced  to  rigorous 
army  service.  Indemnity  was  made  in  full  and  an  apology  was 
given  to  the  French  and  Russian  Governments.  A  little  Ameri 
can  property  that  was  destroyed  during  the  riot  was  entirely 


restored  to  the  full  satisfaction  of  those  damaged.  Now,  in  seven 
months  after  this  riot  and  massacre  in  our  own  territory,  the  Cor 
oner's  Jury  says  that  these  people  "  came  to  their  death  from 
wounds,  the  cause  of  the  same  being  unknown  to  us  ; "  and  the 
Grand  Jury  is  unable  to  find  the  perpetrators  of  this  fearful  tragedy. 
In  regard  to  these  riots,  too,  another  sad  thing  is  to  be  noticed. 
That  is,  that  no  one  seemed  to  be  ready  to  give  any  shelter,  or 
help  to  these  poor  men  thus  hounded.  There  was  the  testimony 
of  a  congregational  minister,  before  the  Grand  Jury  of  Still  Water 
County,  who  related  the  circumstance,  that  a  Chinaman  came  to 
his  house  and  asked  for  shelter,  and  he  told  him  that  it  was  not 
safe  for  him  to  take  him  in;  that  he  and  his  fellows  had  better 
pass  on.  At  Tacoma,  the  President  of  the  Young  Men's  Chris 
tian  Association  was  one  of  the  chief  rioters  in  driving  out  the 
Chinese.  I  thought,  when  I  read  of  it,  of  another  scene.  I  re 
membered  a  fearful  night  in  the  City  of  Foochow,  when  a  terri 
ble  mob  aroused  by  scandalous  representations  concerning  the 
missionaries,  was  rioting  in  that  city,  destroying  the  Christian 
Chapel  and  other  property,  when  my  theological  schoolmate  and 
fellow-missionary  was  occupying  a  house  just  inside  the  city  walls. 
He  had  notice  sent  him,  that  the  mob  was  coming  up  the  hill  and 
would  soon  be  at  his  doors  bent  on  destroying  everything  in  the 
house,  and  upon  taking  his  life  and  the  lives  of  his  family.  When 
that  word  came  to  him  he  went  to  the  wall  which  separated  be 
tween  him  and  the  Taouist  Temple  adjoining,  and  dug  a  hole 
through  it,  and  waited  with  his  family  until  he  heard  the  mob  at 
his  doors, — a  raging  mob  thirsting  for  blood  and  bent  on  de 
struction.  Then  he  stepped  down  into  the  Temple,  and  asked 
his  wife  to  pass  down  the  little  children;  and  when  they  had  been 
received,  he  helped  her  down,  and  during  that  fearful  night  in 
which  that  mob  was  raging,  and  everything  in  his  house  was  de 
stroyed,  that  Christian  missionary  and  his  family  were  taken  care 
of  by  Taouist  Priests,  with  a  humanity  creditable  to  them,  and 
with  a  spirit  which  was  the  spirit  of  the  religion  of  Christ  himself. 
(Applause.)  Where  was  the  priests  of  our  religion?  Where  were 
the  people  professing  adherence  to  the  Golden  Rule,  to  take 
these  men  and  give  them  shelter  in  their  hour  of  direst  reed  ?  It 
is  coming  to  be  the  question,  which  of  these  countries  is  the 
Christian  country,  and  which  is  the  heathen. 


i8 

Now  I  have  only  a  few  minutes  to  ask  for  the  reasons  of 
this  great  change  which  has  come  over  so  many  of  our  people, — 
our  people  who  wanted  the  Chinese  to  come,  and  begged  them  to 
do  away  with  their  ancient  rules,  and  to  receive  our  people,  and 
to  allow  their  people  to  come  here.  What  is  the  reason  for  the 
change  ?  We  have  two  or  three  reasons  asserted.  First,  that  the 
Chiner/e  are  slaves,  and  that  we  do  not  want  a  slave  population. 
It  is  amusing,  that  this  oft-repeated  charge  is  still  reiterated,  a 
charge  utterly  impossible  of  truth.  For,  to  begin  with,  there  are 
no  male  slaves  in  China,  and  that  being  a  fact,  there  can  be  no 
slaves  exported  from  China  to  America.  And  then  the  immigra 
tion  is  all  from  the  Canton  Province  and  comes  to  the  British 
port  of  Hong  Kong,  and  a  British  official  goes  through  every  ship 
and  asks  every  Chinaman  whether  he  goes  of  his  own  free  will 
and  consent,  and  if  he  does  not  go  of  his  own  free  will  he  is  not 
allowed  to  sail.  When  they  get  here,  they  go  where  they  please, 
and  do  what  they  please  and  make  their  own  contracts;  they 
leave  places  and  get  new  ones;  they  come  as  free  men  and  are 
their  own  masters.  Queer  sort  of  slaves  these  !  It  is  asserted 
still  in  many  of  our  papers  that  the  Chinese  who  corne  to  this 
country  are  owned  by  the  "six  companies."  These  companies  are 
only  companies  of  mutual  aid;  they  own  no  one  at  all.  When 
large  numbers  of  Chinese  have  been  wanted,  one  of  these  com 
panies  has  sent  over  to  China  and  advanced  to  laborers  the  pas 
sage  money,  promising  to  take  back  the  money  from  the  laborers 
so  advanced  as  soon  as  they  get  to  earning  wages.  This  whole 
matter  was  discussed  years  ago  by  the  Reverend  Dr.  Speer,  in  his 
book  on  "  China  and  the  United  States,"  so  long  associated  with 
work  on  the  Pacific  Coast,  as  well  in  later  years  by  Mr.  Seward's 
work  on  "Chinese  Immigration."  We  are  still  told  that  they  are 
ruining  American  laborers  by  cheap  labor.  Why  do  not  the  men 
who  raise  this  cry  give  the  facts  and  figures?  There  is  no  such 
thing,  and  never  has  been  as  cheap  labor  on  the  Pacific  Coast. 
It  is  a  well  known  fact  that  green  Chinese  boys,  twelve  to  sixteen 
years  old,  who  can  hardly  speak  a  word  of  English,  get  three  to 
four  dollars  a  week  and  found,  that  boys  from  sixteen  to  twenty 
years  of  age  get  five  dollars  a  week  and  found,  that  the  average 
price  paid  to  Chinese  cooks  in  San  Francisco  to-day  is  $27.50  a 
month,  and  that  house  servants  and  washermen  are  paid  $22.50 


and  found.  There  are  about  2,500  Chinese  domestic  servants  in 
San  Francisco,  and  perhaps  if  2,500  Roman  Catholic  Irish  girls 
could  be  put  in  their  places,  at  twice  their  wages,  and  to  do  half 
the  work  and  be  twice  as  saucy,  somebody  would  be  better  satis 
fied  with  them.  (Applause.)  The  men  who  have  their  eyes  open 
and  their  consciences  wide  awake,  are  able  to  tell  us  the  truth  on 
the  subject. 

The  Reverend  Lewis  Banks  gives  us  the  whole  genesis  of 
that  entire  work  in  the  territory  of  Washington.  It  arose  from 
an  Irish  agitator,  who  came  from  California,  when  nobody  knew 
that  Chinese  cheap  labor  was  doing  any  harm,  and  he  organized 
lodges  to  stir  them  up  and  drive  out  the  Chinese.  He  shows  us 
that  there  are  not  as  many  Chinamen  to-day,  in  proportion  to  the 
white  men,  as  there  were  fifteen  years  ago;  that  while  there  was 
then  one  Chinaman  to  twenty-five  Americans,  to-day,  there  is 
only  one  to  forty-five,  and  he  thinks,  if  twenty-five  Americans 
could  get  along  with  one  Chinaman  then,  certainly,  forty-five 
Americans  ought  to  be  able  to  manage  one  Chinaman  now.  That 
this  whole  out-cry  is  wholly  without  foundation,  and  that  the 
Chinese  in  the  City  of  San  Francisco  paid  more  taxes  into  the 
treasury  of  the  city  than  the  combined  membership  of  the  lodges 
bent  on  driving  them  out  at  all  hazards;  and  that  the  city  gov 
ernment  of  San  Francisco  is  indebted  to  Chinese  merchants  for 
$30,000,  borrowed  money.  (Applause.)  Do  not  suppose  that  all 
people  on  the  Pacific  Coast  have  this  idea  about  driving  out  the 
Chinese.  Let  me  tell  you  what  the  Methodist  Ministers  of  the 
Seattle  District  think  about  these  outrages,  as  shown  by  a  unani 
mous  resolution  adopted  on  the  i2th  of  November.  "  Resolved, 
that  we  regard  the  recent  outrages  upon  the  Chinese  to  be  cruel 
and  brutal,  inhuman  and  unchristian.  We  call  upon  all  our  peo 
ple  to  do  everything  in  their  power  to  save  them  from  similar 
persecution,  and  to  lose  no  opportunity  of  manifesting  to  these 
heathen  strangers  a  true  Christian  spirit.  We  greatly  desire  in 
this  time  of  trouble,  to  find  the  Church  and  Christians  free  from 
this  disgrace."  (Applause.) 

Then  we  are  told,  that  we  will  be  overwhelmed  with  Chinese 
hordes.  Why,  the  number  that  has  come  to  this  country  within 
the  last  twenty-five  years  has  been  but  a  little  over  100,000. 
They  all  come  from  the  Canton  Province,  and  mostly  from  twelve 


20 

districts  out  of  the  seventy-eight  in  that  province,  but  the  people 
in  the  rest  of  China  are  not  disposed  to  immigrate,  and  there  has 
been  an  increase  of  only  about  12,000  in  the  ten  years  preceding 
the  passage  of  the  anti-immigration  law.  That  charge  cannot  be 
true.  Then  there  is  the  charge,  that  they  send  all  their  money 
back  to  China,  and  add  nothing  to  this  country.  Well,  even  if 
so,  they  cannot  take  away  the  products  of  their  labor;  they  can 
not  carry  off  the  Pacific  Railroad  to  China;  they  cannot  pick  up 
and  take  away  the  swamp  lands  they  have  reclaimed.  Mr.  Sew- 
ard  shows  in  his  work  on  "  Chinese  Immigration,"  that  making 
estimates  as  favorable  to  this  theory  as  possible,  that  out  of 
$13,500,000  earned  by  the  Chinese,  not  more  than  $2,700,000 
have  been  sent  to  China,  leaving  $10,800,000  to  this  country. 
They  paid  $50,000  in  taxes  in  San  Francisco  in  a  year,  and 
$4,000  to  the  State  of  California,  and  a  similar  sum  to  the  Insur 
ance  Companies,  and  in  duties  they  paid  about  $9,000,000,  and 
the  stamp  tax  paid  by  Chinese  subjects  in  San  Francisco  has 
amounted  to  $300,000.  Talk  about  their  taking  all  their  money 
back  to  China!  They  bring  far  more  into  this  country  than  they 
take  away,  and  if  they  took  the  whole  of  their  earnings,  the  work 
that  they  have  done  would  far  more  than  pay  us  for  their  presence 
here.  (Applause.)  Then  we  are  told  that  there  is  a  great  deal 
of  danger  on  account  of  the  morality  of  the  Chinese;  and  who  are 
the  men  that  complain  of  it  ?  Who  were  the  men  that  appeared 
before  the  Congressional  Commission  and  sat  and  talked  about 
that  danger  ?  The  very  men,  who,  a  few  months  later,  when 
the  heads  of  these  six  companies  were  determined  to  send 
back  a  number  of  Chinese  prostitutes,  who  were  about  to  land 
from  the  steamer,  and  who  got  orders  from  the  court  to  detain 
them  and  send  them  back  to  China, — when  Chinamen  were  try 
ing  to  do  this, — these  very  white  men  who  gave  this  testimony 
before  the  Congressional  Committee,  sued  out  a  writ  of  habeas 
corpus,  and  by  some  quibbles  of  the  law  overthrew  the  orders  of 
the  court,  and  secured  the  presence  of  these  delectable  beings  in 
San  Francisco.  It  would  not  be  well  for  residents  of  San  Fran 
cisco  to  utter  this  complaint  in  the  hearing  of  those  who  know 
the  whole  history  of  these  matters. 

I  say  there  are  many    saci  things  in  Chinatown.     I  saw  some 
unblushing  performances  on   the   part   of  some   bad   characters 


21 

there,  but  only  a  few  streets  away  from  it,  in  a  quarter  which 
was  not  Chinese,  but  which  was  occupied  by  European  residents 
and  patronized  by  Americans,  I  saw  far  more  unblushing  immor 
ality  there  than  in  all  Chinatown;  and  I  must  say,  that  those  who 
gave  themselves  up  to  bad  habits  of  living  in  Chinatown,  were  at 
least  dressed  decently,  and  did  not  offend  taste  in  their  solicita 
tion,  while  in  the  other  quarter  the  thing  was  most  unblushing. 
I  have  no  patience  with  this  talk  about  the  danger  to  morality, 
and  especially  to  San  Francisco  morality,  from  the  presence  of 
the  Chinese.  (Applause).  You  know  they  took  Dewitt  Tal- 
mage,  when  he  was  in  San  Francisco,  to  see  the  terrible  sights  in 
Chinatown,  the  filth  and  the  bad  sewage  and  so  forth,  and  they 
talked  to  him  of  all  the  terrible  things  there  were  there.  Now, 
Mr.  Talmage  is  a  man  who  goes  about  with  his  eyes  open, 
and  is  not  easily  deceived.  He  is  one  of  the  "non-humbugable" 
kind  of  men.  And,  said  he,  "  this  is  very  bad  indeed,  and  a 
great  disgrace  to  the  municipality  of  San  Francisco,  but  if  you 
will  come  with  me  to  New  York,  or  Chicago,  or  Boston,  I  will 
show  you  in  places  not  Chinese,  many  worse  sights  than  you  see 
in  Chinatown."  (Applause). 

Now,  where  did  all  this  agitation  come  from?  It  came  from 
a  certain  class  of  laborers  in  California,  of  the  Dennis  Kearney 
stripe;  working  men  who  never  worked  when  they  could  help  it; 
working  men  who  had  votes,  and  the  political  parties  were 
very  evenly  balanced  in  the  State  of  California,  and  both  parties 
wanted  their  votes.  It  soon  became  a  thing  of  national  impor 
tance.  The  same  thing  occurred  in  the  Republican  and  Demo 
cratic  parties.  They  wanted  the  votes  of  California  and  Oregon, 
and  all  but  a  few  of  them  bowed  dtfwn  to  this  hoodlum  Baal,  and 
passed  this  iniquitous  law  regarding  the  Chinese,  for  which  there 
has  never  been  a  shadow  of  apology.  We  undertook  to  build  up 
a  great  wall  across  the  Golden  Gate,  and  we  have  been  subjected 
to  humiliation.  An  Englishman  came  to  California,  to  cross  our 
country  to  his  home,  because  his  physician  said  he  must  not  go 
through  the  tropics,  as  such  a  journey  would  doubtless  prove  fatal 
to  him.  He  brought  with  him  his  faithful  Chinese  nurse.  If  any 
of  you  have  ever  had  a  Chinese  nurse  in  your  house,  you  won't 
wonder  that  he  wanted  him  to  help  him  to  get  home  to  England. 
He  attempted  to  land  in  San  Francisco  with  this  nurse,  but  the 


22 

latter  was  told  that  he  would  not  be  allowed  to  leave  the  Steamer, 
and  must  go  back.  So  this  Englishman  had  to  cross  this  "  land 
of  the  free  and  home  of  the  brave  "  without  the  aid  of  this  nurse, 
whom  he  so  greatly  needed.  Two  teachers,  who  were  sent  by  the 
Presbyterian  Church  to  teach  in  the  Mission  Schools  in  San 
Francisco  were  informed  by  our  Custom  House  officials  there 
that  they  must  go  back  to  China,  as  they  were  construed  to  be 
laborers.  Laborers  from  the  West  Indies,  deciding  to  go  home, 
must  wait  until  our  House  of  Representatives  could  say  whether 
they  might  go  home  or  not.  One  of  the  Chinese  sailors  on  board 
a  steamer,  lying  in  the  harbor  of  Boston,  was  walking  along  Tre- 
mont  Street  one  day,  as  any  other  sailor  might  do,  when  he  was 
arrested  "  because  he  was  a  laborer,  and  had  no  right  to  set  foot 
on  American  soil  !  "  And  yet  Bunker  Hill  monument  stood 
there  and  did  not  fall. 

Now,  if  you  like  this  state  of  things,  you  and  I  differ,  that  is 
all.  I  feel  humiliated.  I  feel  utterly  disgusted  by  the  present 
state  of  things  in  this  country,  and  I  pray  that  some  speedy  relief 
may  come,  that  our  people  may  be  aroused  to  a  sense  of  the  dis 
grace  that  is  upon  us  in  the  eyes  of  all  civilized  nations,  and  take 
such  steps  as  shall  secure  immediate  redress  for  the  wrongs  com 
mitted,  and  adequate  protection  to  the  Chinese  among  us  in  all 
the  future. 

Mr.  Seward  then  introduced  Professor  McCracken,  who 
spoke  as  follows: 

Professor  R.  M.  McCracken'.  Mr.  President,  Ladies  and  Gen 
tlemen  :  I  have  a  single  word  to  say,  and  I  regard  myself  now  as 
only  preparing  the  way  for  others  who  may  follow  this  most  appro 
priate  and  eloquent  address  of  Dr.  Baldwin.  And  still,  as  he  was 
sitting  down,  there  came  to  my  mind  an  explanation  of  a  question, 
— at  least  what  seemed  at  the  moment  an  explanation, — that  I  have 
never  been  able  to  answer,  namely,  why  it  is  that  Christ  came  first  to 
our  Aryan  people,  and  to  the  Semitic  rather  than  to  the  Mongolian 
race.  It  seemed  to  me  then  it  was  because  we  must  have  needed 
a  Christ  and  a  salvation  more  than  they;  for  as  I  look  at  this 
people,  at  the  ethics  which  they  have  developed  without  the  aid 
of  Christ,  without  the  aid  of  Christianity,  it  seems  to  me  that 
their  natural  religion  far  exceeds  that  of  any  of  our  own  Aryan 
people.  (Applause).  If  you  look  in  Webster's  Unabridged 


Dictionary  under  the  word  "cardinal,"  you  will  see  there  an  ex 
planation  of  that  common  phrase  "cardinal  virtues,"  and  you  will 
find  that  among  Roman  people, — Cicero  I  believe  was  one  of  the 
leaders  in  defining  them, — and  among  Grecian  people,  that  those 
were  laid  down  as  just  four.     And  if  you   look  into  any  account 
of  the  Chinese   people,  look   into  the  able  work  that  has  already 
been  referred  to,  by  Mr.  Seward  on  "  Chinese  Immigration,"  you 
will  see  that  the   Chinese  from  the  very  days  of  Confucius  have 
had  also  their  cardinal  virtues,   although  I  am  not   sure  but  they 
make  them  other  than  four,  perhaps  five.     And  yet  they  may,  like 
ours,  be  reduced  to  four.     Well,  now,  it  is  an  interesting  thing  that 
these  cardinal  virtues   of  these   two  great  divisions  of  the  world 
coincide  precisely  in  reference  to  three.     Each  of  these  great  di 
visions  of  the  world  names  "  Justice,"  as  a  cardinal  virtue.     And 
I  ask  whether  that  has  not  been  violated  by  the  outrages  of  which 
we  have  heard  this  hour  ?     They  agree,  also,  that  "  Wisdom  "  is 
a  virtue,  which  even  nature  reveals  to  our  consciences  and  minds, 
and  as  I  ask  whether  it  may  be  wise  for  us  as  Americans  to  bear 
what  we  have  hearol  of  without  remonstrance  and  without  objec 
tion,  it  seems  to  me  that   the   very  instinct  of  self-preservation 
says,  No!     I  received  only  a  few  days  since  a  letter  from  a  young 
man  who  is  well  known  to  my  friend  Dr.  Ellinwood.     This  letter 
I  received  from  him  in  the  City  of  Nanking,  and  he   told  in  that 
letter    how  he  and  another    American  had   been  put  almost  in 
danger  of  their  lives,  at   least   in  danger  somewhat  of  their  per 
sonal  safety,  by  the  fact  that  they  had  happened  to  violate  some 
of  the  laws  of  what  we  would   call   the  Trades  Unions  in  China. 
They  got  laborers   to   do  work   for  them   from  another  district, 
from  which  it  was  not  allowed  that  they  should   bring  laborers, 
and  he  said   that   he   could  hardly  say  very  much  about  the  vio 
lence  threatened  them  there  because  the  news  had  come  to  them 
there  of  this  violence  and  outrage  that  had  been  committed  upon 
the  Chinese  upon  the  Pacific  coast.     And  he  said,  "  I  fear  that  if 
these  go  on  in   the  United  States  we  will  be  the  sufferers  from 
reprisals."     And    so    it    is  that  wisdom  dictates   to  us  that  we 
should  make  every  effort  possible  to  change  this  state  of  things. 

Then  there  is  that  cardinal  virtue  upon  which  both  of  us 
agree,  namely,  "Moderation,"  "Self-control."  These  lower 
prejudices  of  which  we  have  heard  to-night  were,  after  all,  at  the 


24 

root  of  all  these  outrages  of  which  we  have  heard,  and  I  blush 
when  I  am  told  that  the  president  of  a  so-called  Christian  Asso 
ciation  should  be  so  carried  away  by  these  prejudices  as  to  per 
sonally  engage  in  the  riots  ;  and  I  blush,  too,  to  say  that  I  have 
acquaintances  of  my  own  upon  the  Pacific  coast,  even  acquaint 
ances  in  the  Christian  ministry,  who,  while  they  would  justify  no 
outrages  against  the  Chinese  there,  are  yet  carried  away  by  these 
prejudices,  arising,  perhaps,  from  some  little  disagreement  in  the 
matter  of  labor  and  employment,  so  that  they  justify  this,  which 
seems  to  me,  most  iniquitous  law  against  the  immigration  of  the 
Chinese  to  our  coasts.  Now,  one  significant  thing,  and  the  point 
which  has  been  in  my  mind  as  I  have  referred  to  this  matter  of 
the  cardinal  virtues,  is  that,  while  our  ancestors  evolved  as  the 
fourth  cardinal  virtue  the  virtue  of  "Courage,"  our  Chinese 
writers  evolved  a  very  different  virtue  as  their  fourth.  But,  even 
supposing  that  the  fourth  cardinal  virtue  be  courage,  I  would 
like  to  ask  this  American  people,  if  I  could  ask  them  here  before 
me,  whether  courage  dictates  that  we  should  allow  ourselves  to  tol 
erate  these  outrages  upon  a  people  who  are  so  much  fewer,  who  are 
much  weaker  upon  our  coast  than  we  are,  and  who  came  here,  as 
we  have  seen,  throwing  themselves  upon  our  forbearance  and 
hospitality?  But  courage  is  not  the  fourth  Chinese  virtue.  If  it 
were,  we  would  have  heard  a  different  story,  perhaps,  from  that 
we  have  been  listening  to  from  that  town  by  which  there  runs 
that  stream  that  bears  the  appropriate  name  of  "  Bitter  Creek." 
But  the  fourth  virtue  among  the  Chinese  is  not  courage,  but  it  is 
"  Benevolence;"  it  is  "Generosity."  I  wrote  it  down  here  upon 
this  paper  this  evening  as  it  is  given  in  the  work  of  Mr.  Seward, 
and  I  find  that  there  it  is  benevolence,  while  in  another  author  it 
is  "  Piety."  And  it  seems  to  me  that,  from  what  we  have  heard 
here  to-night,  we  see  that,  throughout  that  Chinese  people,  there 
is  a  benevolence,  there  is  a  reverence  for  man  and  for  govern 
ment,  that  have  evolved  themselves  without  the  light  of  the  Bible, 
without  the  law  of  Revelation;  while  upon  this  coast  of  ours, 
there  are  those  who  have  not  had  Christian  teaching,  those  who 
have  not  learned  at  the  feet  of  Christ;  and,  for  my  own  part,  I 
must  disown  any  who  have  taken  part  in  these  outrages.  I  have 
heard  that  they  are  Christians.  I  refuse  to  call  them  my  brethren. 
(Applause.)  They  have  not  learned  this  natural  virtue,  this 


2$ 

ethical  principle,  that  the  Chinese,  with  the  aid  of  their  leader, 
Confucius,  have  worked  out,  namely:  that  one  of  the  cardinal 
virtues,  one  of  the  highest  duties  of  man  here  upon  this  earth,  is 
generosity  and  benevolence  to  his  fellow-men.  God  grant  that 
these  citizens  of  ours  may  yet  learn  at  the  feet  of  our  great  Mas 
ter,  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  how  they  should  do  unto  others  as 
they  would  have  others  do  tfnto  them. 

Mr.  Seward  then  introduced  the  Rev.  Dr.  Hulburd,  who 
spoke  as  follows: 

Rev.  D.  M.  Hulburd :  Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen: 
If  it  were  not  raining  outside,  I  should  make  an  apology  for  say 
ing  much  of  anything  at  this  hour  of  the  night,  but  you  are  better 
off  in  here  than  you  would  be  on  the  street,  and  you  might  just  as 
well  let  me  have  a  little  time  as  for  you  to  expose  yourselves  to 
the  elements.  If  I  did  not  perfectly  believe  in  a  Providence  that 
manages  the  weather,  I  should  call  this  "  anti-Chinese  "  weather. 
(Laughter.)  I  suppose  I  owe  the  distinguished  honor  of  appear 
ing  among  these  gentlemen  to  the  fact  that  it  was  my  privilege 
to  be  the  first  clergyman,  I  think,  in  this  city,  to  speak  from  his 
pulpit  in  denunciation  of  the  un-American,  not  to  say  un-Chris- 
tian,  outrages  which  have  been  perpetrated  upon  the  Chinese. 
(Applause,)  And  it  is  scarcely  necessary,  at  this  stage  of  the 
meeting,  that  I  should  undertake  to  do  more  than  simply  to  ex 
press  my  own  personal  conviction  in  the  matter,  and  put  that  as 
strongly  as  I  possibly  can.  And  I  want  to  say  that,  from  the 
bottom  of  my  heart,  every  instinct  of  my  nature,  every  convic 
tion  which  has  been  engendered  by  some  acquaintance  with  the 
spirit  of  Christianity,  is  utterly  opposed,  from  beginning  to  end, 
to  this  manifestation,  this  barbarous  manifestation,  of  "man's  in 
humanity  to  man."  (Applause.)  And  I  am  the  more  strength 
ened  in  my  position,  too,  in  view  of  the  fact  that,  for  all  of  those 
outrages,  there  is  even  so  little  pretended  reason.  I  ask  men  what 
means  this  great  wrath?  this  persecution  of  certain  classes  of  peo 
ple?  and  I  want  to  say,  in  addition  to  what  Professor  McCracken 
has  just  said,  that  I  think  we  can  go  a  little  further.  He  said  he 
disclaimed,  on  the  part  of  these  outrages,  once  for  all,  that  they 
had  any  place  in  Christianity,  or  that  Christianity  lent  any  im 
pulse,  or  added  any  comfort  to  them.  I  want  to  say  that  I  be 
lieve  there  is  very  little  Americanism  in  it.  (Applause.)  I 


26 

believe,  sirs,  that  when  you  get  at  the  genesis  of  this  matter,  as  was 
more  than  intimated  by  Dr.  Baldwin  in  his  address  this  evening, 
you  will  find  that  it  does  not  start,  nor  does  it  receive  encourage 
ment  very  largely  from  American  citizens.  The  postmaster  of 
Rock  Springs  declares,  in  his  testimony  upon  this  point,  that  he 
believes  that  there  was  not  one  single  naturalized  citizen  in  the 
mob  which  perpetrated  these  outrages.  (Applause.)  He  declares 
concerning  it  that  the  order  in  which  they  appeared  in  proportion 
to  their  numbers  was  Cornishmen,  Welshmen  and  Irishmen,  and 
that,  from  the  first  to  the  last,  there  was  not  one  who  was  even 
eligible  to  citizenship,  because  they  were  not  long  enough  in  the 
country  or  near  enough  to  New  York  to  be  ground  out  through 
a  naturalization  mill  as  quick  as  they  got  there.  (Applause.) 
And  the  conviction  forced  upon  my  mind  concerning  these  out 
rages  is  that  they  are  masking  under  false  pretences;  that  they 
are,  as  has  been  hinted  in  the  speech  of  Dr.  Baldwin,  pressed  on 
by  men  ostensibly  in  the  interests  of  labor,  but  whose  only  inter 
est  in  labor  is  in  appropriating  or  giving  to  themselves  the  occu 
pation  of  4t  walking  delegate."  That  is  the  nearest  they  come 
to  being  laborers.  I  saw  a  picture  in  Puck  the  other  day, 
a  very  striking  representation  of  labor.  One  big  fat  fellow 
was  upon  a  platform,  with  his  thumbs  in  his  vest,  carried  upon 
the  shoulders  of  half-starved  men.  On  either  side  were  lean, 
lank  women  surrounded  by  ragged,  wretched-looking  children, 
while  this  big  fat  fellow  is  saying,  "  I  have  been  discharged,  and 
you  shall  not  work  until  I  am  reinstated."  And  he  rides,  while 
the  suffering,  half-starved  men  carry  him,  and  the  miserable, 
bow-legged  fellow  who  walks  in  front  as  a  chief  leader  in  the 
crowd,  is  a  walking  delegate.  (Applause.)  These  are  the  sort 
of  laboring  men  who,  posing  as  laboring  men,  are  taking  this 
splendid  name  of  "  Knights  of  Labor,"  and  who  are  opposing 
those  disposed  to  be  industrious.  If  these  Chinese  would  patron 
ize  the  saloons,  they  could  have  the  saloons  back  of  them  instead 
of  in  front  of  them.  (Applause.)  It  is  a  fact  that  if  those  Chi 
nese  were  here  in  any  considerable  numbers,  and  had  a  vote, 
they  could  have  back  of  them  some  of  the  brilliant  statesmen, 
who,  unless  they  take  care,  may  find  that  that  slang  phrase,  "  The 
Chinese  must  go,"  is  just  as  fatal  to  political  aspiration  as  the 
now  famous  three  R's.  (Applause.)  It  seems  to  me,  too,  that 


27 

the  attempt  to  set  up,  as  against  the  Chinese  in  this  country,  their 
immorality,  and  to  hold  up  one's  hands  with  holy  fcorror  at 
the  habit  of  opium  smoking  on  the  part  of  the  Chinese,  is 
one  of  the  most  farcical  professions  of  a  half-drunken  nation. 
They  smoke  opium,  do  they?  Then  let  us  pray  God  that  they 
may  never  be  induced  to  exchange  opium  for  American  whiskey 
and  even  German  beer.  We  know  now  that  whatever  they  do,  they 
do  not  perpetrate  outrages  on  any  one  else,  and  your  observation 
and  mine  in  regard  to  the  use  of  American  whiskey  and  German 
beer  are  not  such  as  to  encourage  us  in  the  desire  to  have  them 
exchanged.  (Applause.)  But  I  stand  appalled  in  the  presence 
of  that  tremendous  charge  made  against  them  that  they  are 
heathen  and  pagan.  Well,  sirs,  I  tell  you  that  so  far  as  anything 
which  we  have  seen  in  this  country  goes  to  indicate  the  spirit 
engendered  by  their  paganism  is  concerned,  that  if  we  could  get 
a  little  Chinese  paganism  into  our  Board  of  Aldermen,  the  popu 
lation  of  Lakewood  would  not  be  as  big  as  it  is.  (Applause).  That 
it  strikes  me  if  paganism  produces  docile,  quiet  men,  such  as 
these,  who  are  not  found  in  any  considerable  numbers  in  our 
jails,  and  never  in  our  poorhouses,  then  either  we  need  to  increase 
the  power  of  influence  of  our  Christianity,  so  that  it  can  turn  out  a 
similar  mildness  and  fashion  a  like  docility,  or  else  we  had  better 
exchange  religions.  (Applause.)  I  am  convinced,  sirs,  however, 
that  we  have  little  to  fear  in  this  respect;  that  the  worst  has 
come,  enough  to  stir  the  heart  and  conscience  of  the  American 
people.  I  remember  once  to  have  heard  that  magnificent  repre 
sentative  of  this  republic,  General  Grant,  say,  (applause),  and  it 
was  on  the  eve  of  a  Presidential  election,  when  he  was  being 
congratulated  upon  the  influence  of  his  presence  and  work  in  a 
certain  State  in  turning  the  results  of  that  election  favorably  to 
the  party  which  he  represented,  congratulating  him  and  the  party 
which  he  represented,  I  recollect  hearing  him  say,  when  it  was 
remarked  how  he  had  stimulated  the  work  and,  how  much  was 
due  to  him;  "No,  gentlemen,  you  are  mistaken;  given  a  great 
issue,  and  it  fairly  stated  before  the  American  people,  and  the 
people  will  go  right."  And  I  believe,  sirs,  that  you  have  but  to 
fairly  state  your  issue,  grounding  it  all  upon  the  principles  which 
are  dear  to  every  American  heart,  you  have  but  to  stir  the  public 
sympathies  as  meetings  like  this  are  designed  to  do,  you  have  but 


28 

to  awaken  our  people  to  the  co.nviction  of  the  right  of  this  ques 
tion,  and  these  Cornishmen,  and  Welshmen,  and  Irishmen,  and 
every  other  kind  of  men  who  undertake  to  lay  an  embargo  upon 
honest  industry  in  this  country  must  learn  that  they  must  either 
abide  under  the  principles  by  which  this  country  is  governed,  of 
right,  justice  and  equality,  or  "go."  (Applause.)  And  there 
may  be  a  change  of  venue,  and  this  case  go  into  the  court  of  the 
American  conscience,  and  when  it  does,  it  will  be  settled  in  ac 
cordance  with  the  principles  of  that  golden  rule,  and  God  shall 
be  honored  and  the  people  saved.  May  He  hasten  the  day. 

Mr.  Seward  then  introduced  the  Reverend  Dr.  Sabine,  who 
spoke  as  follows  : 

Rev.  Dr.  W.  T.  Sabine  :  Friends:  At  this  late  hour,  and  after 
the  eloquent  and  touching  addresses  to  which  we  have  listened,  it 
will  only  be  needful  for  me  to  express  a  very  deep  and  earnest  sym 
pathy  with  the  cause  for  which  we  are  gathered  here  to-night. 
While  Dr.  Baldwin  was  making  his  very  striking  and  deeply  in 
teresting  address,  I  felt  almost  like  rubbing  my  eyes  and  asking 
if  I  were  actually  living  in  the  nineteenth  century,  and  if 
I  were  actually  living  under  the  flag  of  the  United  States. 
Why,  sir,  I  hung  my  head  for  very  shame  while  you  were  making 
those  remarks,  and  telling  us  this  sad  and  touching  story  of  suf 
fering  and  sorrow,  and  distress  on  the  Pacific  coast.  And  it  can 
not  but  be,  sir,  that  the  propositions  which  have  been  laid  before 
us,  and  which  are  presented  in  this  resolution  to  be  sent  to  our 
Government  and  Houses  of  Congress,  should  pass  without  say 
ing,  and  does  it  need  any  argument,  does  it  require  any  demon 
stration  to  show  that,  these  things  are  a  shame,  and  outrage,  and  a 
disgrace  ?  I  feel  we  must  all  feel  that.  Every  man  with  a  con 
science  or  with  a  sense  of  right,  every  man  with  a  heart  that  feels 
for  man,  that  has  within  him  a  grain  of  sympathy,,  will  realize  and 
endorse  that  proposition.  That  must  go  without  saying.  What 
do  we  need  to-day  ?  Only  three  things,  and  Dr.  Hulburd  has 
excellently  touched  upon  just  the  point  that  has  been  lying  in  my 
mind.  We  need  to-day  these  three  things:  We  need,  first  of  all, 
to  inform  the  national  judgment.  We  need  to  appeal  to  men 
round  about  us  and  to  make  them  acquainted  with  these  facts. 
When  we  have  appealed  to  the  national  judgment  we  need 
to  stir,  after  that  wt  need  to  stir  the  national  sympathy, 


29 

and  we  need  to  arouse  the  national  conscience,  we  need  to 
catch  the  ear  of  the  public  and  of  the  people.  I  am  persuaded 
that  a  vast  majority  of  our  people  do  not  know  of  the  state  of 
facts  mentioned  here  to-night.  They  are  in  total  ignorance  of 
them.  How  many  are  the  objects  around  us  on  every  side,  clam 
oring  and  appealing  for  interest  and  help,  and  appeals  come  to 
us  the  validity  and  the  force  and  the  necessity  of  which  each  one 
recognizes.  Those  of  us  who  stand  in  any  sort  of  public  position 
find  them  thronging  about  us  all  the  while,  and  we  are  largely  in 
ignorance  of  those  which  claim  our  best  'consideration  and 
thought.  I  suppose  a  very  large  multitude  of  people  are  in  total 
darkness  as  to  these  statements.  We  need  to  catch  the  national 
ear  and  bring  these  facts  to  the  notice  of  the  people.  And  when 
such  statements  are  brought  to  their  notice,  there  will  be,  must 
be,  a  feeling  and  sentiment  which  will  vindicate  the  stigma  which 
is  now  resting  upon  the  national  escutcheon  in  connection  with 
this  matter.  (Applause.) 

We  need,  dear  friends,  in  the  next  place,  to  awaken  the  na 
tional  conscience.  If  there  is  one  thing'of  which  I  am  proud  it  is 
that  to  which  Dr.  Hulburd  has  alluded, — our  American  people. 
Our  American  people  have  got  a  conscience  and  that  conscience 
when  you  once  get  at  it  is  true  to  the  right.  Look  back  all  along 
the  track  of  our  history  from  the  days  when  the  Pilgrim  fathers 
landed, — all  through  the  history  of  the  last  thirty  years,  and  how 
manifestly  and  evidently  our  people  have  shown  that  they  had  a 
conscience.  We  may  be  proud  of  our  magnificent  rivers,  of  our 
lordly  forests,  of  our  wide  domain,  but  I  think  we  have  more  rea 
son  to  be  proud  of  the  conscience  that  lies  deep  in  the  breast  of 
our  people.  (Applause.)  Thank  God  for  that!  And  all  we  want 
to  do  when  a  great  question  like  this  comes  before  us,  is  to  get  at 
that  national  conscience,  and  to  come  with  an  appeal  to  the  public 
ear.  And  I  do  trust  that  the  people  across  the  sea,  in  that  Flowery 
Empire,  will  understand  that  these  things  are  not  done  by  the 
American  people,  and  that  when  the  question  comes  to  the  final 
tribunal  of  the  nation's  conscience,  for  settlement,  it  will  be  settled 
according  to  the  right. 

And  then  we  need  to  stir  the  feeling  of  heart  sympathy. 
Our  people  have  a  heart,  a  warm  and  earnest  one.  As  we  look 
back  to  the  days  of  the  late  war,  we  can  recall  the  times  when  we 


30 

have  seen  large  audiences  moved  to  tears,  when  we  have  felt  the 
thrill  passing  through  great  assemblies;  and  when  the  story  of 
suffering  and  outrage,  and  wrong  is  brought  to  the  attention  of 
the  people  of  this  city  and  its  neighborhood,  there  will  be  ten 
thousand  hearts  that  will  bound  with  sympathy.  We  stand  here 
on  a  magnificent  vantage  ground  to-day.  The  people  of  thirty 
years  ago  did  not  stand  where  we  stand  to-day;  thirty  years  ago 
when  a  large  part  of  our  land  was  suffering  under  the  blight  of 
slavery,  how  little  we  imagined  what  would  come  from  the  mag 
nificent  popular  uprising,  which  took  its  rise  in  every  habitation  of 
the  land.  (Applause. )  We  may  say  with  one  of  our  own  statesmen, 
"  I  tremble  for  our  country  when  I  remember  that  God  is  just  in 
the  view  of  all  these  things."  The  English  historian  tells  us  that 
no  individual  or  nation,  any  more  than  an  individual,  ever  finds 
any  outlet  from  the  ways  of  sin  except  through  the  ways  of  suffer 
ing.  The  partition  of  Poland  opened  the  countries  of  Europe  to 
the  armies  of  France,  and  was  the  first  to  sink  beneath  the  con 
quering  cry  of  Napoleon's  ambition.  If  you  and  I  value  our 
country  and  our  liberties,  if  we  want  to  preserve  these  privileges 
to  our  posterity,  it  can  only  be  as  our  land  does  right,  and  our 
nation  and  rulers  fear  and  serve  the  God  above.  For  the  sake  of 
the  homes  we  want  to  preserve  and  perpetuate,  and  for  the  child 
ren  whom  we  love,  in  the  name  of  the  just  Lord  of  heaven,  let  us 
do  what  we  can  to  push  on  and  propagate  this  cause.  This  is 
only  a  little  meeting,  but  if  our  hearts  are  fired,  if  your  consciences 
are  touched,  and  each  one  will  go  out  to  do  what  he  can,  we  can 
do  a  great  deal  to  rid  the  land  of  this  terribly  sad  evil. 

Mr.  Seward:  Although  the  hour  is  late  I  am  sure  you  will 
listen  with  pleasure  to  a  few  words  from  the  Reverend  Dr. 
Ellinwood: 

Dr.  F.F.  Ellinwood:  Mr.  President:  After  I  had  listened  for 
perhaps  fifteen  minutes  to  the  eloquent  facts  presented  by  Dr. 
Baldwin,  it  seemed  to  me  that  I  might  make  the  nearest  approach 
that  I  had  ever  or  should  ever  make  to  an  eloquent  speech;  but 
after  I  had  listened  to  fact  after  fact  all  new  to  me,  I  began  to 
feel  benumbed  and  dumb.  I  thought  it  was  impossible  for 
me  to  express  the  feelings  of  shame  and  also  of  foreboding 
for  the  very  existence  of  the  nation,  realizing  that  nations 
are  amenable  to  the  Justice  that  rules  in  the  heavens.  And  I 


said  to  myself  at  last,  when  Dr  Baldwin  was  done,  what  need 
after  all,  is  there  that  anything  more  should  be  said?  I  see  in 
your  faces  and  in  your  responses  that  every  man  and  every 
woman  in  the  house  is  just  as  eloquent  as  the  speakers  to  whom 
we  have  listened  to  with  such  delight.  Every  eye  has  beamed 
with  the  feeling  of  indignation  and  shame,  and  with  a  seeming 
expression  of  incredulity,  as  if  these  things  could  not  be  true. 

I  have,  sir,  the  honor  to  present  a  resolution  as  an  expression 
of  the  sentiment  of  this  meeting,  mainly  our  approval  of  the  ob 
jects  set  forth  in  the  resolutions  of  the  Chinese  Sunday  School 
Union,  to  be  sent  to  the  President  and  to  Congress,  and  I  wish 
also,  in  presenting  the  resolution  to  make  a  suggestion  directly 
in  the  line  of  the  eloquent  remarks  of  Dr.  Sabine,  namely  this, 
that  the  great  need  is  to  get  the  facts  before  the  people,  for,  as  he 
says  there  is  certainly  in  the  American  element  in  this  land  a 
conscience,  and  I  believe  that  you  can  go  through  this  land  from 
State  to  State,  and  from  city  to  city,  from  ocean  to  ocean,  and 
gather  the  people,  and  let  them  listen,  as  we  have  listened  to 
night,  to  these  facts,  and  they  would  rise  up  to  a  man  and  to  a 
woman — I  mean  the  American  population — and  say,  "  Let  these 
things  be  set  right;  let  this  blot  and  foul  stain  be  removed  from 
the  escutcheon  of  our  beloved  land."  But  the  question  is,  how 
to  get  them  before  the  people,  and  I  do  not  attempt  to  reiterate 
the  eloquent  speech  of  Dr.  Sabine  as  to  the  necessity.  You  feel 
it  as  much  as  I  and  we.  I  asked  Dr.  Baldwin,  as  he  sat  on  my 
right,  if  these  facts  as  he  presented  them,  so  presented  as  to  show 
in  the  very  strongest  light  their  relations  and  the  inconsistencies 
of  our  government,  if  they  could  not  be  presented  to  the  public 
in  some  permanent  form,  and  he  said  they  were  being  very  fully 
taken  by  a  stenographer,  and  they  would  undoubtedly  be  put  in 
pamphlet  form  for  distribution.  But  the  suggestion  I  make  is 
that  every  one  be  a  committee  of  one  to  see  that  these  get  the 
widest  circulation,  to  send  them  to  any  newspaper  which  they 
may  influence,  in  order  that  they  may  be  published  and  published 
again.  (Applause.)  And  realizing  that  our  Congress  and  Presi 
dent  will  be  influenced  more  by  the  facts  than  by  our  resolutions 
or  exhortations,  I  should  wish  that  a  copy  of  them  might  accom 
pany  these  resolutions  that  are  sent,  because,  as  has  been  sug 
gested,  we  cannot  adequately  know  all  about  all  the  interests 


32 

that  crowd  upon  us  from  time  to  time.  It  is  not  two  days  since 
we  were  roused  up  with  a  feeling  of  indignation  on  behalf  of  the 
American  Indians  as  a  result  of  that  review  of  the  case  brought 
before  the  public  in  a  recent  meeting  in  this  city.  If  some  one 
could  write,  not  "A  Century  of  Dishonor,"  but  "  Two  Decades 
of  Dishonor,"  in  relation  to  the  Chinese,  we  should  get  just  as 
strong  a  meeting  for  them  as  for  the  Indians;  and,  if  necessary, 
all  over  this  land,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Indian,  there  would  be 
Chinese  Associations  or  Chinese  Rights  Associations,  until,  when 
the  people  had  expressed  their  feeling  and  their  sentiment,  Con 
gress  should  feel  it,  because  that  while,  as  has  been  said,  these 
Congressional  representatives  have  an  eye  on  the  votes  of  the 
masses — the  worst  masses,  the  hoodlum  masses — it  is  to  be  re 
membered  that  they  have  an  eye  on  the  votes  of  the  people  and 
the  better  classes  of  the  people,  and  those  whose  influence  is 
widest  and  strongest  and  deepest.  The  thing  is  to  get  these  great 
interests  before  the  right-minded  element  in  our  society,  in  our 
social  fabric,  and  to  hold  them  there;  and  not  only  that,  but  to 
energize,  to  mobilize  them,  to  organize  them,  and  set  them  mov 
ing  as  great  forces  that  shall  not  die  out  in  a  day.  If  we  can 
get  this  subject  before  the  citizens  of  this  city — they  say  that  one- 
twentieth  of  the  population  of  the  United  States  is  within  a  radius 
of  some  twenty  miles  of  this  spot — if  we  could  get  the  right  sen 
timent  in  motion  and  active  exercise  in  this  city,  we  could  move 
the  nation.  We  could  not  only  procure  justice  for  the  Chinese, 
not  only  wipe  this  stain  from  our  nation  as  it  is  now  presented 
by  the  very  communication  of  our  President  to  Congress  in  his 
two  messages,  I  say  it  with  emphasis,  of  feeling,  we  could  do 
much  to  save  the  nation  itself.  (Applause.)  What  is  it  that  has 
been  taking  force  into  its  own  hands  out  there  in  the  West  ? 
What  was  it  at  Seattle?  at  Tacoma  ?  at  Rock  Springs?  Not 
law  in  any  form;  it  was  pure  mob  movement.  A  return  to 
barbarism.  And  when  our  Cohgress,  and  when  our  newspa 
per  press  say  it  is  impossible  to  execute  law  without  the  will  of 
the  people,  it  is  simply  a  virtual  acknowledgment  that  we  are 
powerless,  that  our  government  is  not  up  to  the  strain  of  meeting 
a  fierce  mob.  (Applause.)  It  is  acknowledging  virtually  that  if 
a  certain  class  of  foreigners  or  natives  shall  ,say,  "The  Chinese 
must  go,  the  Chinese  must  stop  laboring  here,"  then  they  may 


33 

say  a  railroad  must  stop,  as  they  have  been  stopping  a  railroad  in 
the  far  West,  where  I  have  been.  There  is  not  a  power  in  the 
community  that  may  not,  precisely  upon  the  same  principles,  be 
arrested.  Whenever  you  can  get  a  mob  big  enough,  and  wild 
enough,  and  sufficiently  determined  to  demand  it,  they  are  going 
to  issue  their  fiat.  I  believe,  however,  that  our  free  institutions 
are  in  danger,  and  that  if  there  were  no  rights  of  the  Chinese  to 
be  considered,  simply  out  of  preservation  we  ought,  as  citizens 
of  this  republic,  to  make  our  voices  heard  and  our  influence 
felt.  (Applause.) 

I  will  present  now  the  resolution  to  which  I  referred: 

"Resolved:  That  this  meeting  approves  and  endorses  the 
memorial  of  the  Chinese  Sunday-School  Union,  in  regard  to  the 
abuse  of  the  Chinese,  and  requests  the  Chairman  and  Secretary  to 
transmit  the  same  to  the  President  and  the  two  Houses  of  Con 
gress  as  the  sense  of  this  meeting."  (Applause). 

Mr.  Seward :  Dr.  Me  Arthur  will  now  second  this  resolu 
tion. 

Rev.  Dr.  R.  S.  Me  Arthur  :  Mr.  Chairman  and  good  friends: 
I  am  very  sorry  that  I  did  not  have  the  pleasure  of  hearing  the  re 
marks  already  made.  When  I  tell  you  that  this  is  the  third  meet 
ing  that  I  have  attended  to-night,  you  can  understand  that  I  have 
been  somewhat  busy,  and  therefore  excuse  me  if  I  come  rolling 
in  with  my  ulster  on.  I  rise  with  great  pleasure  to  second  the 
resolutions  which  have  just  been  read.  In  common  with  you  all 
I  have  been  humiliated  because  of  the  outrages  which  have  been 
committed  under  the  American  flag.  I  am  glad,  however,  to 
believe  that  these  outrages  do  not  at  all  represent  the  best  think 
ing  of  the  American  people.  The  sober  second  thought  of  the 
American  people  is  almost  invariably  right.  (Applause).  This 
is  not  the  sober  thought,  it  is  not  the  second  thought,  it  is  not 
the  thought  of  the  American  people  in  any  good  sense  of  that 
term.  (Applause).  I  am  a  kind  of  foreigner  myself,  you  know, 
and  I  ought  to  have  a  good  deal  of  sympathy  with  foreigners  on 
the  one  side,  and  I  ought  to  have  some  measure  of  justice  toward 
those  who  oppose  foreigners,  who  are  themselves  foreigners.  I 
thing  it  would  be  well  for  a  man  to  get  a  little  of  the  foreign 
brogue  out  of  his  own  mouth  before  he  tries  to  drive  other  foreign 
ers  out  of  the  free  American  Republic;  (Applause),  at  least,  to 


34 

become  an  American  citizen  himself  before  he  undertakes  to  op 
pose  those  who  are  perhaps  more  worthy  to  be  American  citizens 
than  himself.  (Applause).  There  are  some  very  grave  faults  to  be 
alleged  against  the  Chinamen.  I  doubt  whether  a  single  China 
man  could  rise  to  that  great  dignity  which  would  fit  him  to  be  a 
New  York  Alderman.  (Laughter).  A  very  serious  objection  to 
him  is  that  he  is  an  industrious  boy.  That's  a  very  serious  ob 
jection  to  many.  He  does  not  spend  his  money  in  drink.  He 
goes  to  his  work;  he  begins  early  and  continues  late.  These  are 
all  serious  objections,  and  it  is  barely  possible  he  may  outgrow 
some  of  them;  but -some  are  just  old-fashioned  enough  to  hope  he 
won't.  I  will  not  detain  you  at  this  late  hour.  I  want  simply  to 
say  this:  That  we  are  here  as  good  American  citizens;  that  we 
have* presented  this  resolution  as  citizens  interested  in  the  honor 
of  our  country,  the  welfare  of  our  country  and  in  the  honor  and 
welfare  of  the  Church  of  our  common  Lord  and  Master.  I  am 
here  to  affirm  that  no  Government  can  afford  to  do  wrong  toward 
any  class  of  men.  (Applause).  I  am  here  to  repeat  Daniel 
O'Connell's  marvelous  words;  "  Nothing  is  politically  right  which 
is  morally  wrong."  (Applause).  The  time  is  coming  when  we 
shall  see  it,  when  we  shall  blush  for  the  legislation  we  have  put 
on  the  books  of  the  nation.  The  time  has  come  when  we  already 
blush  for  the  men  on  American  soil  who  have  acted  as  these  men, 
almost  unworthy  of  the  name  of  men,  have  acted.  I  tell  you,  that 
those  of  us  who  know  these  boys  have  learned  to  love  them, 
(Applause),  and  in  the  name  of  my  adopted  country,  in  the  name 
of  my  Lord  and  theirs,  I  denounce  these  outrages  and  plead,  not 
for  pity,  not  for  pity,  but  for  justice.  (Applause). 

Mr.  Seward:  Dr.  McArthur's  reference  to  legislation  in 
duces  me  to  say  one  word,  and  that  is  simply  this,  that  it  is  not 
altogether  well  to  consider  that  these  outrages  have  been  perpe 
trated  by  foreigners,  and  that  they  alone  are  responsible.  When 
the  Government  of  the  United  States  has  taken  formally  by  legis 
lation  the  attitude  which  it  has  taken  in  regard  to  the  Chinese, 
what  can  we  expect  of  the  people?  (Applause).  If  the  Government 
of  the  United  States  discriminates  against  Chinamen  why  should 
not  the  individual  citizen  discriminate?  If  the  Government  of 
the  United  States  "  boycotts  "  the  whole  Chinese  empire,  why 


35 

should  not  a  few  individuals  in  our  midst  do  their  best  to  "boy 
cott  "  the  small  fragment  of  the  Chinese  Empire  that  they  can 
get  at?  (Applause).  If  the  great  arm  of  the  Government  is  to  be 
extended  to  seize  in  the  streets  of  Boston  a  sailor  who  happens 
to  land  from  an  American  ship  or  any  other  ship,  and  is  brought 
into  force  to  return  that  man  and  to  send  him  away,  why  should 
not  a  community  over  on  the  Pacific  Coast  follow  that  example 
by  intimidation  by  gunpowder  or  by  dynamite?  That  is  the  ex 
ample  now  that  the  Government  of  the  United  States  sets  in  this 
business,  and  we  get  the  logical  results.  If  a  great  Government 
can  present  such  an  example  as  this,  we  must  expect  that  the 
ignorant,  the  vicious,  the  reckless  and  unthinking  will  better  the 
example  in  one  direction  and  another.  I  did  not  intend  to  say 
anything  at  all  to-night,  but  I  feel  very  strongly  on  this  subject, 
and  the  reference  to  the  wrongs  done  as  being  attributable  to 
the  foreigners,  has  led  me  to  say  so  much. 

I  shall  put  the  resolution  now.  Those  in  favor  will  say  "  aye." 

The  vote  is  unanimous. 

I  want  you  now  to  give  a  vote  of  thanks  to  Dr.  Baldwin  and 
to  the  other  gentlemen  that  have  been  so  kind  as  to  come  here 
and  address  us  to-night.  Those  so  disposed  will  say  "aye." 

The  vote  is  unanimous. 

In  the  absence  of  any  intimation  of  further  business,  I  shall 
pronounce  the  meeting  adjourned.  . 

The  meeting  is  adjourned. 

GEO.   F.  SEWARD,. 

Chairman. 
R.  BASSETT, 

Secretary. 


; 


